Aftermath Of Revolution Research Articles

The weight of the future

SummaryIn this “hundreds” honoring Kathleen Stewart, I reflect on how a turn to affect can attune us to the emergent, to unfinished worlds, to futures as they throw themselves together, to things slipping in and out of existence, and to what lies nascent in the atmosphere. In darker moments, such as the aftermath of revolutions, the weight of the future can become unbearable.

When Revolutionary Coalitions Break Down: Polarization, Protest, and the Tunisian Political Crisis of August 2013

Revolutionary coalitions often break down in the aftermath of revolution, leading to the collapse of transitional governments. Fragmentation among revolutionary elites has been extensively theorized, but few works consider the origins and consequences of polarization among non-elite protesters in the revolutionary coalition. This paper examines the case of Tunisia to unpack how polarization among former revolutionaries may drive secondary waves of mobilization that imperil governing coalitions, even when elites are cooperating. Unique protest surveys of pro- and anti-government demonstrations during the Tunisian political crisis of 2013 – which catalyzed the resignation of the country’s first elected assembly – show that polarization within this coalition occurred along ideological lines concerning the role of Islam in governance but not along class lines, as some theories of transition would predict. Revolutionaries are re-mobilized in part through divergent narratives concerning which social groups participated most in the revolutionary struggle, and which groups suffered and profited most under the old regime. This paper counters the elite-centrism of predominant “transitology” approaches by highlighting how protest politics may shape institutional transitions.

Post/Past Violence: The Aftermath of Revolutions and Literature as Reconciliation

In this article I argue that Maïssa Bey’s Pierre Sang Papier ou Cendre (2008) and Puisque mon cœur est mort (2010) highlight Bey’s hesitation to support the use of violence in response to violence. Whereas a figure like Frantz Fanon supports anticolonial violence as the near inevitable reply to colonial atrocity, Bey’s textual representations of brutality during the Algerian War and especially the Algerian Civil War are much more focused on illustrating the dangers of retaliatory violence and demonstrating the power of literature as a mode of healing and reconciliation. I will thus examine how these novels propose reconciliation through fiction—and especially reconciliatory writing in contrast to further violence—in the aftermath of revolution and martial cruelty more generally.

They Will Have Their Game: Sporting Culture and the Making of the Early American Republic by Kenneth Cohen

Reviewed by: They Will Have Their Game: Sporting Culture and the Making of the Early American Republic by Kenneth Cohen James C. Nicholson (bio) They Will Have Their Game: Sporting Culture and the Making of the Early American Republic. By Kenneth Cohen. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Pp. xi, 320. $55.00 cloth; $26.99 ebook) Like much of American culture, sports have often become overtly politicized terrain in recent years. But as Curator of Early American Culture at the Smithsonian Museum of American History, Kenneth Cohen, shows, the American sporting realm was a site of cultural, social, and political tension long before the National Football League, or even the national anthem, existed. Interspersing the experiences of individual sportsmen into his examination of early American sporting venues (broadly defined to include taverns, billiard rooms, theatres, and racetracks), Cohen argues that these sites provided opportunities "for contesting and limiting elites' social authority while ultimately supporting their economic and political power" (p. 244). Building on and complicating the work of a generation of historians of early American sports culture, Cohen utilizes an impressive array of primary and secondary sources, including newspapers, letters, and other archival material, in support of his facially paradoxical assertion that sporting culture "simultaneously promoted egalitarianism and hierarchy on the Anglo-American mainland between 1750 and 1860" in sporting venues where "white men's shared right to access and engage made elites seem more like other white men, and thus made differences in wealth and power seem less unnatural and more reflective of superior ability and character" (pp. 3, 10). In the decades before the American Revolution, wealthy colonists invested in sporting venues in part to "forge a more distinctive, exclusive, unified, and powerful colonial elite" (p. 23). These venues [End Page 591] gave prominent colonists an opportunity to strengthen business relationships, flaunt their status, and consolidate political power. However, as tensions with Great Britain heightened in the 1770s, American colonies began banning horse racing, cock fighting, and plays in an attempt to foster cultural solidarity and to "scale back a politicized sporting culture that, by 1774, had gotten away from the gentlemen in Congress and jeopardized their leadership of the patriot movement" (p. 87). In the aftermath of revolution, many Americans bristled against any whiff of aristocracy, including genteel sporting culture. However, investors in new sporting venues promoted their capacity to benefit all of society even as they pursued a broader goal of "the construction of economic and political systems that espoused competitive opportunism while rooting power among the few men with the assets and connections to control capital flows" (p. 127). In the Antebellum era, the sporting realm engendered what Cohen calls an early form of mass culture, and survived reformers' efforts to eradicate it. As wealth became more concentrated in the United States, white men across the class spectrum used sport to assert their masculine status and to challenge stereotypes associated with their social class. The antebellum sports culture that embraced an "implied democratic opportunity and meritocracy" ultimately helped to legitimize the notion that the accumulation and preservation of wealth in America was inherently moral (p. 234). Tracking continuity and change within American sporting culture over the course of nearly a century, They Will Have Their Game covers an impressive amount of ground and will be essential reading for scholars of early American society and culture and of American sports history more broadly. [End Page 592] James C. Nicholson james c. nicholson is the author of four books on American sports history, including The Notorious John Morrissey (2016). He taught history at the University of Kentucky. Copyright © 2020 Kentucky Historical Society

From Revolution to Reunion: The Reintegration of the South Carolina Loyalists by Rebecca Brannon

Reviewed by: From Revolution to Reunion: The Reintegration of the South Carolina Loyalists by Rebecca Brannon Christina Carrick (bio) KEY WORDS Loyalists, South Carolina, American Revolution, Reconciliation From Revolution to Reunion: The Reintegration of the South Carolina Loyalists. By Rebecca Brannon. (Columbia: The University of South Carolina Press, 2016. Pp. 223. Cloth, $49.99.) In the civil war within the American Revolution, neighbors killed neighbors, destroyed property, and violently harassed former friends’ families. [End Page 701] In heavily affected areas, like South Carolina, one would expect a tense reconstruction and long-term animosity to follow. But despite its import at a critical juncture in American history, reconciliation has mostly slipped past historians. Professor Rebecca Brannon’s new study of loyalist reintegration in South Carolina begins to remedy this neglect, and she determines that the aftermath of revolution was surprisingly congenial. After years of violence and hostility, she argues, reintegration had more bluster than bite. Hostile rhetoric and demands for revenge quickly gave way to the reunion of neighborly relationships. South Carolinians “embraced the redemption of forgetting, and let the painful memories die with the Revolutionary generation” (34). Brannon’s timely book augments a burgeoning interest in loyalism. Most scholars thus far have analyzed more clear-cut loyalist categories: loyalist military activity, which is well documented; or loyalist exile, which is recorded through ship manifests and the oft-cited Loyalist Claims Commission papers. Brannon instead tackles a new and important challenge: assessing the loyalists—or the “disaffected” as she often calls them—who remained in South Carolina. Since many of these individuals are not listed on loyalist rosters or similar records, they often slipped through the cracks of the historical narrative. Brannon sifted through archival collections and state records to analyze how the disaffected—at least the white male disaffected—became American citizens. She convincingly claims that South Carolinians achieved full reunion and forgiveness through cooperation between former loyalists, state leaders, and neighbors. Brannon sets the stakes of reconciliation by breathing life—and death—into the violence that racked the southern state. In one vivid vignette, Thomas Robertson, a South Carolinian patriot, brutally killed his long-time neighbor in the heat of battle and later bragged about it. Plunder, intimidation, and destruction of property were used to enforce political conformity, and combat morphed into a “militia war for revenge” (28). While she states that civil war occurred throughout America, existing social and racial strains caused it to explode into uniquely personal violence in South Carolina, making this case a compelling focus for a reunion study. The end of the war brought the need for emotional catharsis, which Brannon argues was achieved through superficially harsh legislation and vitriolic threats in the press. These, however, were mainly threats with little action, aimed to appease an angry populace and give the feeling of [End Page 702] revenge, but ultimately pave the way to forgiveness. The state passed confiscation acts, but targeted fewer than 240 individuals. This created a system that “was generous from the beginning and got steadily more generous over time” (35). Only those who remained with the British or continued to spout loyalist rhetoric were singled out for official punishment. This was in part, Brannon shows, to draw wavering individuals back into the patriot fold and encourage their contributions—financial and otherwise—to the new republic. Local justice through the court system and unofficial pressure would separate the few irredeemable loyalists. The harsh rhetoric and initial aggression also aided in the emotional reunion of South Carolina citizens. “Revenge talk,” she argues, “could serve as a bridge to more positive feelings about Loyalists—feelings that ultimately enabled Patriots to empathize with and then reintegrate Loyalists” (39). While there were extra-judicial acts of revenge against former loyalists, these, Brannon argues, were “few and far between” (39). Loyalists developed reintegration strategies, although it is clear from Brannon’s narrative that there was not a collective body of returnees working together. Individuals followed the traditional use of petitions to the government and the face-to-face quest for neighborly support. Their arguments were supported by the practical and not ideological basis of South Carolina loyalism. Many became loyalists “due to nothing more than a desire...

Endnotes: Wandering in the Wilderness or Entering the Promised Land?

This article argues that one can analyze revolutions as ritual passages, as spatial and temporal liminality. In most Arab countries that experienced radical upheavals and revolutionary dynamics during and after 2011, people may feel ‘stuck in liminality.’ The aftermath of revolutions is what Arnold van Gennep termed the phase of re-aggregation and which Victor Turner also described as redress. Even in those states where institutional arrangements on the surface have been recomposed, perpetual crises seem everywhere. This situation characterizes a number of post-upheavals in the world. In this article, I draw on examples in Arab countries to reflect on how the current ends of revolution can be understood as perpetual liminality, and what it would take to exit liminality. I stress that legal and judicial processes are formalized and ritualized means toward re-aggregation, which have to go along with a cooling down of emotions and a taming of violence at the social level. This requires transforming the categories of ‘friends’ and ‘enemies’ of a revolution and adopting the language of ‘ordinary politics’ to replace revolutionary language. The re-aggregation process, however, is complicated by the fact that new regimes gain their legitimacy from available symbols of the revolution itself.

The Interaction between Inflation and Inflation Uncertainty: A Multivariate Time-Varying Asymmetric Approach

In the present study, we examine the relationship between inflation and inflation uncertainty using monthly Consumer Price Index for Tunisian, Turkish and Egypt covering the period 1990:M1-2014:M12. We adopt a multivariate asymmetric dynamic conditional correlation EGARCH framework. The empirical results suggest asymmetric responses in correlations among the three inflation rates. The A-DCC model allows for conditional asymmetries in covariance and correlation dynamics, thereby enabling to examine the presence of asymmetric responses in correlations during periods of negative shocks. Results indicate that the decreasing inflation uncertainty is expected to reduce inflation. This seems a hard enough, especially with the political instability in the aftermath of revolution.

Russian and Soviet forensic psychiatry: Troubled and troubling

Russian forensic psychiatry is defined by its troubled and troubling relationship to an unstable state, a state that was not a continuous entity during the modern era. From the mid-nineteenth century, Russia as a nation-state struggled to reform, collapsed, re-constituted itself in a bloody civil war, metastasized into a violent “totalitarian” regime, reformed and stagnated under “mature socialism” and then embraced capitalism and “managed democracy” at the end of the twentieth century. These upheavals had indelible effects on policing and the administration of justice, and on psychiatry's relationship with them. In Russia, physicians specializing in medicine of the mind had to cope with rapid and radical changes of legal and institutional forms, and sometimes, of the state itself. Despite this challenging environment, psychiatrists showed themselves to be active professionals seeking to guide the transformations that inevitably touched their work. In the second half of the nineteenth century debates about the role of psychiatry in criminal justice took place against a backdrop of increasingly alarming terrorist activity, and call for revolution. While German influence, with its preference for hereditarianism, was strong, Russian psychiatry was inclined toward social and environmental explanations of crime. When revolution came in 1917, the new communist regime quickly institutionalized forensic psychiatry. In the aftermath of revolution, the institutionalization of forensic psychiatry “advanced” with each turn of the state's transformation, with profound consequences for practitioners' independence and ethical probity. The abuses of Soviet psychiatry under Stalin and more intensively after his death in the 1960s–80s remain under-researched and key archives are still classified. The return to democracy since the late 1980s has seen mixed results for fresh attempts to reform both the justice system and forensic psychiatric practice.

Libyan researchers survey aftermath of revolution

Libyan researchers survey aftermath of revolution

Cross‐class Coalitions and the Making of the Arab Revolts of 2011

Theorists of social movements and revolutions have given great attention to the factors creating vulnerability for the state – including elite divisions, loss of foreign support, and economic problems. Substantial attention has also been given to factors facilitating the mobilization of protest actors, including framing, prior network ties, social and public media, and political openings. Somewhat less evident has been the role of cross-class coalitions, which play a vital role in affecting both the strength of the state and mobilization, and in shaping the outcomes of protest and revolutionary change. If a protest draws support mainly from just one class or group (peasants, workers, students, urban shopkeepers, professionals), the state can confront that group as a disruptive force, and seek to unify elites from other sectors against that threat. However, if protestors represent many different groups, it is much harder for the state to find allies against them. Moreover, while a state can claim to be preserving society by acting against isolated disruptive elements, it is far more difficult to maintain legitimacy when acting against a broad cross-class coalition. Elites are more likely to desert the state, creating crippling elite divisions, if protestors represent a broad spectrum of society. In addition, a broad cross-class coalition facilitates further mobilization by creating ‘meganetworks’ linking prior, tightly-linked within-group networks to each other. The impact of public media in favor of the protestors is also greater if media representation shows protestors as representative of the whole society, rather than as one particular group seeking partisan advantages for itself. For these reasons, virtually all successful revolutions were forged by cross-class coalitions that bridged the diverse goals and interests of different groups, thus pitting society as a whole against the regime and its loyalist supporters. Conversely, revolts rooted in the needs and organization of one particular class or group – peasant revolts, urban uprisings, student protests, regional rebellions – have usually been effectively repressed by regimes able to draw on other groups for support. The three successful revolutions in the Arab world in 2011, in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya, all demonstrate the crucial role of cross-class coalitions.

Kenneth M. Pinnow, Lost to the Collective: Suicide and the Promise of Soviet Socialism, 1921–1929 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2010), pp. xi + 276, $49.95, hardback, ISBN: 978-0-8014-4766-2.

With Lost to the Collective, Kenneth M. Pinnow details the rise of the ‘social science state’ in the Soviet Union. In the investigations of suicides by state, party, and military organs, Pinnow underscores the desire of authorities to see citizens through forms, statistics, and forensic examinations, but highlights a uniquely Bolshevik goal of diagnosing and preventing ideological deviance alongside a distinctive conception of the role of the state in the lives of Soviet individuals. Pinnow argues that because the Bolsheviks believed the survival of their collective was closely tied to individual behaviour, ‘the making of suicide into public property achieved its ultimate expression in the hands of the Soviets’ (p. 65). The number of suicides pales in comparison to the vast losses from war, disease, and famine in the aftermath of revolution, yet suicide emerged as a focal point for broad investigation in 1920, under the purview of the Soviet Commissariat of Health, even in the face of limited resources and personnel. Pinnow argues that Soviet doctors, psychiatrists, and forensic specialists elevated the importance of suicide as a way to assess both the individual’s progress and that of society as a whole. The evaluation of suicide fluctuated depending upon viewer and victim. Many authorities considered it a mark of degeneracy in males, it was especially disquieting when found among the advanced cadres of Komsomol youth, the Red Army, or party workers, yet they considered suicide a sign of progress in women who, as a consequence of the opportunities of revolution, were more engaged in economic and social affairs. Numbers, especially those collected by the Department of Moral Statistics of the Central Statistical Administration, became a major part of expert analysis, but even so, Pinnow deftly shows how not all were won over to the side of data, as debate raged over the value of aggregates over the investigation of the particular. As they examined holdovers of the past, moral statisticians measured their profession’s progress against the dearth of statistical studies from Tsarist authorities. In the creation of this statistical structure, Pinnow argues that the Soviet state presided over ‘the formation and radical expansion of the social as a site of governmental action during the 1920s’ (p. 13). Firmly embedded in works on the history of medicine, psychology, and sociology in Russia and Europe, Pinnow’s study is less tied to cultural works – particularly those on gender. Although Pinnow brings excellent insights to the perceived wave of female suicides, anxiety over masculine potency and feminine danger resonate through the expert commentaries on male suicides as well, and could have been more fully explored. Including Elizabeth Wood’s work on the interconnection of gender and political standing, as well as further incorporating the ruminations of Fran Bernstein, Dan Healey, Sharon Kowalsky and Eric Naiman on the angst-filled, gender-troubled NEP era, would have expanded on the underlying disquiet regarding nervousness and problems of the will among male suicides, as well as giving further depth to the analysis of suicides among women. Clearly written and provocatively argued, the work is extremely, and impressively, well situated within the Russian language materials – both contemporary and modern – and contributes to a growing literature on the ways in which Soviet policies compare to those of Europe and to pre-revolutionary Russia (many of these works also authored by graduates of Columbia’s prolific and influential programme). Specialists in the history of suicide, psychology, sociology, or forensic medicine will find much of comparative interest in the history of these fields in the exotic, contested, and politically charged terrain of revolutionary and Stalinist Russia.

Women's Writing in Nineteenth-Century France by Alison Finch (review)

Book Reviews1 1 7 stopped reading when Chopin died), the book is a broad mural of Parisian manners, preferences, interests, preoccupations, and dreams in this period. This portrait of an era contains many curious little known facts. How many Americans realize that, before inventing the telegraph, Samuel F.B. Morse was an art student in Paris or that he, along with James Fenimore Cooper, helped Lafayette to raise money for displaced Poles after the fall of Warsaw to the Russians in 183 1? How many French people know that both Hector Berlioz and Alfred de Musset were destined for medical careers and abandoned them when faced with the horror of the dissecting room? This work shows evidence of being carefully researched from many sources, and one suspects that quite a few of the chapters could stand alone as an introduction to opera, theatre, or art, etc. in the nineteenth century. The only unifying theme for the disparate essays is the presence ofChopin in their midst. Nevertheless, the book is quite enjoyable and permits one to image s/ he is actually living in the Paris ofthe nineteenth century. Lucy M. SchwartzBuffalo State College (SUNY) Alison Finch. Women's Writing in Nineteenth-Century France. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2000. ISBN: 0-521-63186-6. Pp. 316. $57.47. Alison Finch's Women s Writing in Nineteenth-Century France is breathtaking in scope and impressive for the depth of analysis and synthesis the author brings to this vast subject. Finch's survey encompasses more than ninety women writers and a wide range of literary genres including not only novels, drama, and poetry but also politics,journalism, history, travel, children's literature and life-writing. By providing such an extensive overview, Finch hopes to "give a sense of what women writers were doing in the century as a whole" that will serve as a background and complement to more specialized studies focusing on individual authors, themes, genres, or periods (1). While demonstrating how these women established "a distinct female tradition," Finch is also concerned with "repositioning" them in other traditions, such as socialist theory and life-writing (23 1). In her first two chapters, Finch discusses the conditions that these women writers faced, the prejudices that have led to their omission from the literary canon, and the continuing need for a reassessment of their contribution to French literature. Following these introductory chapters, the book is divided chronologically into three sections, each preceded by an overview of the period: "The Early Nineteenth Century: The Age ofNapoleon and the Aftermath ofRevolution (1 800-1 829)"; "Mid-Century: George Sand and Her Contemporaries (1830-1 869)"; and "Naturalism and Symbolism: The Beginnings of a New Era (1870-1899)." Within each section, chapters are most often organized around figures who are representative of certain genres or themes, for example, "Rank and race: Claire de Duras" and "Adventure and travel: Flora Tristan and Léonie d'Aunet." 1 1 8 Women in French Studies In her selection of authors to highlight, Finch has chosen "those who seemed most likely to give a sense of both general currents and the variety of individual temperaments" (2). In some cases, these are well-known authors such as Germaine de Staël, George Sand, Marceline DesbordesValmore , Louise Michel and Rachilde. In other cases lesser-known writers are highlighted, such as Henriette de La Tour du Pin (1770-1853) whose memoirs were not published until 1906 but who provides an example of women's approaches to history as well as how women all too often "having produced obviously talented work . . . leave it unpublished or complete" (40). Likewise, in a chapter dealing with "Confidence and the woman writer," Finch focuses on two mid-century authors who depict societal pressures on women to abandon literary achievement: Amable Tastu in her poem "L'Ange gardien" and Sophie Ulliac-Trémadeure in her novels Valérie ou le jeune artiste (\ 836) and Emilie ou la jeune fille auteur (1837). A chapter on naturalism and symbolism highlights the contributions of Marie Krysinska, one of the innovators of free verse and "the woman writer most successfully air-brushed from the literary history of nineteenth-century France," (189). Finch also includes...

Review: The Aftermath of Revolution: Sligo, 1921–23

Review: The Aftermath of Revolution: Sligo, 1921–23

Diverging paths: Menshevik itineraries in the aftermath of revolution

Diverging paths: Menshevik itineraries in the aftermath of revolution

Britain and Soviet Georgia, 1921-22

The terms of the Anglo-Russian trade agreement of 16 March 1921 did not extend to those Soviet republics which had come into being on the territory of the former Russian Empire in the aftermath of revolution, foreign intervention and civil war. But talks on a similar agreement were proposed by Soviet Georgia in September 1922 following exchanges initiated by the Foreign Office. During the civil war, Britain had backed White generals who stood for the restoration of Russia 'One and Indivisible'. After their defeat, Menshevik Georgia was seen as a possible link in a Caucasian cordon sanitaire. The Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, told Georgia's Foreign Minister that he was 'strongly in favour' of an 'independent Georgia' as 'a barrier against Bolshevism'. Britain, he said, would view an attack on Georgia 'with great disfavour' and 'do what it could to assist', though 'it was impossible to say what practical form its sympathy would take'.' Colonel Stokes, Britain's High Commissioner in Tiflis (Tbilisi), transmitting a Menshevik request for 'complete uniform and equipment for 75,000 men', declared his conviction that Georgia would fight for its independence.2 Other observers were, however, less sanguine: 'Bolshevik tendencies have greatly increased during the last few weeks in the Army . . . many officers and men are openly proclaiming their dissatisfaction with the present regime,' said an Intelligence report.3 The overthrow of the Mensheviks in early 1921 led to the precipitant departure of Colonel Stokes and an end to official British representation in Transcaucasia. The exchanges which led to Soviet Georgia's offer of talks were on Britain's side prompted by a desire to regain a foothold in the area and restore something of Britain's commercial position in the face of what was seen as strong competition from US, Italian, French and other rivals. Georgia's new Bolshevik leaders men like Budu Mdivani, chairman of its ruling Revolutionary Committee (Revkom) and Alexander Svanidze, Commissar of Foreign Affairs and Finance

The Aftermath of Revolution in Latin America.

The Aftermath of Revolution in Latin America.

The Aftermath of Revolution in Latin America

The Aftermath of Revolution in Latin America

Aftermath of Revolution: British Policy Toward the United States, 1783-1795

Aftermath of Revolution: British Policy Toward the United States, 1783-1795

Aftermath of Revolution: British Policy Toward the United States, 1783-1795

Aftermath of Revolution: British Policy Toward the United States, 1783-1795

Aftermath of Revolution: British Policy towards the United States, 1783-1795

Aftermath of Revolution: British Policy towards the United States, 1783-1795