Involvement In Africa Research Articles

Reasserting (middle) power by looking southwards: Italy’s policy towards Africa

ABSTRACT In 2015, the Prime Minister Matteo Renzi launched a new Italian agenda for Africa. Until then Italian involvement in African affairs had been almost exclusively restricted to multilateral initiatives. Through its new pro-active approach, Italy has engaged with the African countries through a dynamic and multi-layered partnership aimed at fostering peace, stability, economic growth and human development on the continent. Within this framework, Italy intended to go beyond the traditional ‘donor-beneficiary’ relationship to build a new partnership model centred around the concept of sharing. The article argues that the need to preserve or at least reinforce its international status as a middle-ranking power has been one of the factors that led Italy to relaunch its involvement in Africa. Nevertheless, statements of intent aside, Italian foreign policy is lagging behind other extra-regional players operating on the continent. Indeed, despite Italy’s natural geographical projection towards the South, its many structural weaknesses and lack of a coherent foreign policy make it a declining middle-ranking power in the international arena, able to operate in Africa, even now, only within the framework of multilateral initiatives.

United States security cooperation with Kenya in the second decade of the 21st century

The subject of the paper is the cooperation of the United States with Kenya in the area of security in the second decade of the 21st century. The introduction contains the methodological assumptions of the paper and a synthetic historical background. The first section of the paper covers the theoretical framework. The second section outlines the increase of the United States’ strategic involvement in Africa, including East Africa, in the 21st century. The third section discusses the joint efforts of the US and Kenya in combating terrorism and piracy. The fourth section is devoted to US training and development assistance for the Kenyan security sector. The considerations are carried out within the framework of the postcolonial current of the theory of international relations. During the research, the method of analyzing text sources was used. The main thesis of the paper assumes that although Africa, including Kenya, was not a particularly important area of strategic interest of the United States, these countries had significant common security interests and undertook cooperation to implement them. First of all, it concerned counteracting international terrorism, but also the general stabilization of East Africa. In the future, the importance of East Africa in American politics might systematically increase, both in the area of economy and security, which will entail further strengthening of cooperation between the US and Kenya.

Morocco and Sub-Saharan Africa: In the Shadow of the Western Sahara Dispute

During much of the past several decades, Moroccan actions in Western Sahara have impacted on that country’s bilateral and multilateral ties, especially with other countries in Africa, though to a lesser degree in the Arab world. In recent years, Morocco has gained the upper hand in its conflict in Western Sahara and has been increasing its political and economic footprint on the continent of Africa, an area of interest since independence. At the same time, Morocco has regarded itself as a “gateway” to Africa for the USA and Europe, while the USA, France (and the Gulf states) have provided military and financial assistance as well as diplomatic support for Morocco as that country’s policies have served Western interests. While attention is given by academics in recent years to the involvement in Africa of other middle powers from the Middle East such as Turkey, Iran and Saudi Arabia and, in the past, of Nasser’s Egypt and Qaddafi’s Libya, as well as Israel, Morocco has not stirred the same sort of interest. This article seeks to address that issue by examining all political and economic factors that have influenced Moroccan policy toward Sub-Saharan Africa, those both connected and unconnected with the issue of the Western Sahara dispute.

Training Africa: mass displays and coaches in the service of Israel’s Foreign Policy in the 1960s

ABSTRACT In the 1960s, hundreds of Israeli advisors, agricultural experts, engineers, and instructors were sent to Africa to promote Israel’s foreign policy, garner international support, win allies, and sidestep the ring of Arab hostility that surrounded Israel. The Histadrut, Israel’s largest labour union, sent many of these experts, while Hapoel, the sports association affiliated with the Histadrut, sent sports instructors who organised mass gymnastics performances in national ceremonies. Their assistance was highly appreciated by the African host governments. The paper discusses the instrumental role of sport in foreign policy, and the circumstances that led to Israel’s withdrawal of its involvement in Africa.

South Africa's Involvement on the African Continent, 1994-2019 : A Hegemonic Project or Myth?

South Africa's Involvement on the African Continent, 1994-2019 : A Hegemonic Project or Myth?

Unfolding Africa's Impact on the Development of International Refugee Law

AbstractThis article traces the contributions of African states to the development of international refugee law and explores the role African human rights supervisory bodies have played in the interpretation and application of this field of law. While Africa's contributions to international refugee law are often overlooked, this article sets out to identify Africa's involvement in the drafting process of the UN Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol. It also explores the legal framework for refugees in Africa, in particular the OAU Refugee Convention and the Bangkok Principles on Status and Treatment of Refugees, and the extent to which these two instruments have enriched international refugee law. The article argues that some of their provisions may provide evidence of customary rules of international law. Lastly, it examines some of the authoritative pronouncements made by African human rights supervisory bodies, in so far as they adopt a progressive approach to interpreting the rights of refugees and asylum-seekers.

South Africa's Involvement on the African Continent, 1994-2019 : A Hegemonic Project or Myth?

South Africa's Involvement on the African Continent, 1994-2019 : A Hegemonic Project or Myth?

The Routledge Handbook of French Politics and Culture. Edited by Marion Demossier, David Lees, Aurélien Mondon, and Nina Parish

This handbook aims to provide an overview of the most pressing and mediatized cultural and political issues facing contemporary France, placed against the backdrop of modern European history. Essays by prominent academics from a variety of disciplinary backgrounds make up the book’s four parts. The contributions in the first part provide a foundation for the subsequent sections, focusing on modern and contemporary French politics, with special attention to the electoral politics leading to the Macron presidency, the history of the notion of Gaullism, colonization of and involvement in Africa, and the evolution of women’s political participation. The second and third parts engage with questions related to belonging, identity, and spaces of contestation. The authors interrogate a wide range of highly politicized topics in France, such as policies on immigration and ‘integration’, Islamophobia, the racialization of Romani people, protest movements, constructions of and discourses surrounding the banlieue, and contemporary feminisms. The final part addresses the mediation of memory, remembrance, and culture. Contributors analyse exhibition decisions made in First World War museums, the role of propaganda and mass media in politics, music nostalgia, the figure of the public intellectual, and representations of Jews. One of the book’s strengths is its inclusion of many chapters dedicated to interrogating questions of race, racism, and othering. Marwan Mohammed, Marion Demossier, Tom Martin, Fabien Truong, Mehammed Mack, and Rebecca Infield and Rebekah Vince offer particularly illuminating contributions that consider the interplay between French national identity and various forms of race politics. If the ambitious aim of this book is to provide a survey of the French political and cultural landscape, it bears mentioning that any attempt to canonize cultural issues worthy of study necessarily involves the politics of exclusion and inclusion. While Mack’s chapter does look at the gay nightclub space, this handbook would have been improved if more space were devoted to the consideration of queer and trans issues in France. Moreover, certain chapters reveal blind spots and a disconnect with the populations being spoken for. For instance, ‘Gender and Crisis’ ventures into troubling territory with the suggestion that misogyny may be present in fashion companies’ decisions simply to sell headscarves (p. 183). Such a claim fits within femonationalist discourses that instrumentalize feminism against Muslims by characterizing Islam as a fundamentally oppressive religion from which women must be ‘saved’. Similarly, ‘The French “Banlieues”’ dubiously asserts that racial polarization is ‘inscribed […] in mindsets [in America], far more than in France’ and attributes ‘most’ riots in the banlieue to the ‘accidental’ killings of youth by police (p. 137). A consideration of the many high-profile, non-accidental instances of excessive force throughout French history that have led to the deaths of Black and Maghrebi people would have been helpful here. In summary, this handbook’s twenty-three chapters provide a foundation necessary for students of contemporary French culture and politics. However, readers should engage critically and thoughtfully, as academics themselves are not impervious to the effects of the mediatization and politicization of the topics discussed throughout this book.

Russia is back in Africa

Abstract The end of the Cold War and the demise of the Soviet Union brought an end to the ideology driven special relationship between Russia and various African states. However, after ten years these relations were resuscitated due to major changes on both sides. Under Vladimir Putin's presidency and the economic recovery that followed, Russia made efforts to reclaim a leading role in global politics, while various African states grew politically more stable and economically more successful. This time around, relations were focussed dominantly on economics and trade, rather than on ideology as during the Cold War period. Attracted by Africa's abundant resources, particularly energy and minerals, a small number of mega Russian companies started to do business with the continent at the turn of the century. This reengagement with Africa came somewhat belatedly, after major players, particularly China, the United States and the European Union, had intensified their engagement. At the same time, Russia and Africa found common cause in international political relations, as witnessed by similar policies in multilateral organisations, particularly aimed against Western hegemony in world finance and economy. And as pointed out in this article, Russia needs to embark on a more integrated, user-friendly, transparent and competitive engagement strategy to become a major role player in doing business with Africa. Russia and Africa need also familiarise themselves better with each other, particularly how to do business with one another. As yet, one cannot really speak of a visible Russian pivot towards Africa in its overall international relations. However, if conditions remain favourable, this may develop over time. 1. Introduction During the Cold War years, the Soviet Union (SU) was the ideological role model, ally and supporter of various African client states seeking self-determination and freedom, as well as diplomatic leverage in the struggle between West and East. Leaving aside the well-known negatives of the SU's involvement in Africa, its most lasting contribution was the important role it played in ending colonialism and racism on the continent, and helping to put African related issues squarely on the international agenda. But contrary to the colonial powers, which gave Africa the Anglophone, Lusophone, Francophone regions and lasting Eurocentric cultural traits, the SU did not leave much of a footprint in Africa. No socialist, Marxist or 'Russophone'-Africa survived the SU. On the up-side, however, the new Russia enjoyed the advantage of engaging Africa without the debilitating colonialist chip on the shoulder. The SU invested substantially in the promotion of strategic geopolitical relations with progressive governments in the underdeveloped southern hemisphere, particularly Africa. Bilateral relations with newly independent states benefitted particularly from Moscow's authentic anti-colonial stance by way of supporting the liberation course at the United Nations (UN), substantial material assistance to liberation movements, economic and technical aid. Various future African leaders received education in the SU. The Patrice Lumumba University in Moscow was started specifically for the purpose of training of African and other 'third world' students (Feuchtwanger and Nailor 1981: Chapter 4; Saivetz and Woodby 1985: Chapters 1 and 3). This involvement became largely undone when the SU disintegrated in December 1991, the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist dogma being no longer a motivational force, the Cold War over, democracy instated, a centrally planned economy replaced by a market-based economy, and Russia's global power and status utterly diminished. Henceforth the new Russia fundamentally reorganised and re-prioritised its foreign policy objectives and priorities. The ideological global ambitions and objectives of the old order were discarded and replaced by a much reduced regional Eurasian role. …

Analysing China’s “Angola Model”: A Pattern for Chinese Involvement in Africa?

The paper discusses the relationship between the People's Republic of China and Angola in the 21st century in the broader context of Chinese economic activity in Africa. I discuss the effectiveness of the “Angola Model” of this relationship as a gateway for cooperation with Africa. The main research question is whether the “Angola Model” is an effective way to increase China's involvement in Africa and whether it has been applied to other countries on the continent? I hypothesise that the implementation of this model allows China to intensify economic cooperation with African countries because this model brings mutual benefits to partners. China gains access to energy resources, new markets and investment opportunities, while African states obtain loans, revenues from the sale of raw materials and assistance in infrastructure development. To some extent, the Angola Model also allows China to spread political influence, but the example of Angola shows that it has several limitations. China has implemented elements of economic cooperation characteristic of the Angola Model in many African countries.

Assessing Russia’s New Interaction with Africa: Energy Diplomacy, Arms Exports and Mineral Resource Markets

In recent years, Russian President Vladimir Putin increasingly places a high premium on re-building Russia’s global influence, which includes a boosting of Russia’s relations with the African continent. This coincides with Putin’s position that the strengthening of ties with African states is a Russian foreign policy priority. Moreover, there is little doubt that much of Moscow’s new involvement in Africa relates to Putin’s desire to revive his country’s great-power status. The main research question is: What is behind Moscow’s renewed push into the continent? Three areas of Russia-Africa relations of special importance are suggested in this article. Firstly, much of Russia’s focus on the African continent centres on energy diplomacy. Secondly, Russia is the second largest exporter of arms globally after the United States, and Moscow is a major supplier of weapons and military aid to Africa. Thirdly, the continent is rich in mineral wealth, and Moscow has an economic interest in mineral riches in Africa. This article argues the above-mentioned issues are the main drivers underlying Russia’s renewed strategic engagement with the African continent. The article further reflects on whether Russia’s foreign policy successes in Africa have been overblown, or whether Russia’s renewed engagement with Africa is actually of considerable significance in the global context and from an African point of view.

Capitalism and colonial approach reborn? Chinese economic involvement in Africa

AbstractChinese investment in Africa has stimulated debate. Africa needs foreign investment for its economic development. China assists other developing economies. However, Chinese investment focuses more on expropriating colonized wealth and failed to provide the same legal property.

Alternative Financing for Micro-Level Entrepreneur in Sub-Sahara Africa: A Crowd Funding Option

An inherent problem that entrepreneurs face at the early stage of their entrepreneurial initiative is to source capital. Given the difficulties in raising the needed funds to actualize their ideas through traditional fund lenders such as banks, this paper provided a background on crowd funding as an alternative financing source for micro-entrepreneurship in Sub-Sahara Africa. Literature was reviewed on micro-level enterprises and micro-entrepreneur, describing the concept of crowd funding and models. This paper adopted the equity-based crowd funding model for Sub-Sahara African micro-entrepreneurs because of its potential benefits over other models. It recommended amongst others that development workers, policymakers and aid organizations need to make considerable efforts to bridge the knowledge gap of micro-entrepreneurs in the subcontinent on crowd funding by creating in-depth awareness considering the 0.1% Africa involvement in global crowd funding activity.

‘China’s involvement in Africa has largely been productive, but the African countries must make sure that that does not compromise their independence’ – Chief Emeka Anyaoku

‘China’s involvement in Africa has largely been productive, but the African countries must make sure that that does not compromise their independence’ – Chief Emeka Anyaoku

Examining the importance of the Sino-Africa swap formula in creating backward and forward linkages

African nations are trying to diversify their economies in order to induce industrialization that will help them eradicate poverty and create employment for their young workforce. One of the continent’s key challenges continues to be the shortage of physical infrastructure. Therefore, finding ways to overcome this problem has become of large importance. China has identified this and has thus enhanced its involvement in Africa primarily via its swap formula. The formula enables the financing and development of infrastructure that African nations critically need by depending on their resource wealth. However, the mounting involvement of the formula has continued to stimulate questions on its impact regarding creating backward and forward linkages. As such, one of the significant aims of this article is to identify linkages that emerge from the Chinese swap formula that involve long-term concessionary loans from China’s Exim Bank to finance major infrastructure projects in Africa. It examines whether the swap formula is creating backward and forward linkages in Africa, and what the infrastructure leads to concerning creating novel opportunities for the continent, by theoretically answering this question: “Can China’s swap formula create backward and forward linkages?” Furthermore, the article theoretically identifies the benefits and linkages of the formula via a case study – that of Abuja-Kaduna railway. Arguably, the article discovers that the formula has multiple benefits and linkages for Africa. It is also seen by the Chinese government as a way of fulfilling its strategic goals in Africa.

CHINA’S ROLE IN DEVELOPMENT OF AFRICA: THE CASE OF ETHIOPIA

China’s involvement in Africa has become one of the contentious topics in the devel-opment literature. The background of the study is that china-African relations can be grouped into dual phases thus: past relations and contemporary relations. Those phases are dissimilar, as past relations are categorized by solidarity against imperial-ism, while contemporary relations are characterized by economic relations. The study used a historical approach to analyze China’s resurgence into Africa and Ethiopia, a case study is used to examine the contemporary china-African relations. Secondary data were utilized to come to sound conclusion of the study. The study mainly found out that China’s resurgence into Africa presents both negative and positive impacts for Africa and that the negatives need to be regulated in order for African countries to benefit from the relations.

What drives Russia's involvement in Africa? [An Afrocentric review of Russia–South Africa relations, 2000–2018

Russia's engagement with African governments has been a subject of debate amongst scholars of International Public Affairs and other cognate academic disciplines since the demise of the Soviet Union in the late 1980s and early 1990s. This is a result of different approaches in Russia's engagement with African governments since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. To this end, Russia's engagement with African states is multi‐dimensional, ranging from political, economic (mining and energy sectors) and security factors. In order to locate the key drivers of Russia's Africa Policy towards an individual state, this qualitative study provided an Afrocentric review to assess the post‐Cold War Russia's Africa policy paying special reference to Russia–South Africa relations. Afrocentricity is the theoretical paradigm employed to review the nature of Russia's Africa Policy towards South Africa. The authors rely methodologically on document review methods.

Iran's global reach: The Islamic Republic of Iran's policy, involvement, and activity in Africa

AbstractThe aim of this study is to analyze the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI)'s policy toward and involvement in the African continent as a case study of the IRI's global policy and reach. The aspiration of the IRI's leadership for international standing and support coupled with a desire to export its revolutionary model and extend its influence beyond its borders have shaped its activity on many continents, including Africa. Africa's strategic location, past colonial experience, political position, rich resources, large Muslim population, and economic attractiveness have all contributed to shaping the IRI's activity within it. This study analyzes IRI's foreign policy in general and its implementation in Africa in particular, identifying the different historical phases of its activity in Africa, distinguishing between the various African regions, the main Iranian organizations involved therein, the means of and channels for Iranian involvement in Africa, and the reasons for IRI's gains and losses on that continent. The study shows how the Islamic regime has managed, during its 40 years of rule, through pragmatism and resilience, to gain influence and support, has endeavored to balance its losses, and has adapted to new circumstances in the African continent.

Perspectives on The Soviet Union and the Horn of Africa during the Cold War

Perspectives on <i>The Soviet Union and the Horn of Africa during the Cold War</i>

Poetics: Queer Recesses of the Heart and the Spirit of Intimacy within the Africana Household

Audre Lorde is a household name within Black queer communities and has almost exclusively been associated with scholarship on gender and sexuality. Her early political involvement in Africa’s liberation in the context of Negritude, a pan-African movement of self-affirmation, has largely gone unnoticed, inad- vertently giving credence to the unfounded but popular idea that queer folk s are not interested in Africa’s political priorities. This essay is written with the view that Africa and her Diaspora need preeminent queer actors influencing the present and future trajectories and strategies to be considered in defence of a Black dignified presence in the world and against global racism. It is further submitted that the personal is not just political – it is primarily spiritual. Hence the triad, personal, spiritual, and political has implications for our appraisal of meanings within the Africana household. The exploration of poetry as a spiritual practice of the queered self in this essay blurs the boun- daries between religion and politics in order to offer an integral account of gender diversity within the Africana household. We need to collectively learn from the experiences that not just resist racial oppression but also from those that simultaneously free the heart. From this vantage point, Audre Lorde’s poetics is read as internal recommendations for building up the Africana dwelling by calling out what remains dormant or imperfectly considered within the realm of spiritual and political imagination: queer recesses of the heart.