African Politics Research Articles

Digital Dissemination of African Films in China: A Case Study of the Bilibili Platform

Cultural communication is of great significance to countries in shaping their national image and enhancing their national soft power. However, due to the influence of African politics and economy, African films always face the situation of insufficient production capacity in the film industry, internationalization experience, and film professionals. As a result, its culture has been discounted in the process of dissemination. In particular, African films have for many years relied only on video and other channels of dissemination, making it difficult to compete with the production and wide dissemination of films from Europe and the United States. Therefore, African films have only accounted for 4% of the African film market share in their home countries.

Implementing the Resource Nexus approach: the contribution of internationalising German businesses

The Resource Nexus is an approach to sustainably manage environmental resources by considering the interlinkages, trade-offs and synergies between them. While a lot is known about this Resource Nexus framework and the impact this has on sustainable development and politics, far less is known about the technological, economic, and political situation required for the implementation of this approach. This paper considers the role of international business cooperation between German and Sub-Saharan African firms in facilitating this implementation. It explores the major barriers faced by German businesses looking to work in Sub-Saharan Africa and analyses the work of the German Außenhandelskammern (German Chambers of Commerce Abroad) as a replacement for the networks that are commonly seen as vital to business internationalisation. The findings have far-reaching implications for German and Sub-Saharan African politics, for business practices, and for the work of intermediary organisations looking to facilitate the internationalisation, as well as for those actors looking to implement a Resource Nexus approach across the world.

Digital Dissemination of African Films in China: A Case Study of the Bilibili Platform

Cultural communication is of great significance to countries in shaping their national image and enhancing their national soft power. However, due to the influence of African politics and economy, African films always face the situation of insufficient production capacity in the film industry, internationalization experience, and film professionals. As a result, its culture has been discounted in the process of dissemination. In particular, African films have for many years relied only on video and other channels of dissemination, making it difficult to compete with the production and wide dissemination of films from Europe and the United States. Therefore, African films have only accounted for 4% of the African film market share in their home countries.

Julius Malema, from Masupatsela to the Formation of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF): Historical Narrative

Julius Malema was born in 1982 during the apartheid era in South Africa and began his political journey at an early age. As he rose in the political space, he became prominent, playing a critical role in reviving the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). He was exposed to formal politics from the age of nine when he joined Masupatsela (Trailblazers), the youth brigade of the African National Congress (ANC) at the time. He rose to positions of power through joining the ranks of the Congress of South African Students (COSAS), the ANCYL, and post his expulsion from the ANCYL, established his own organisation, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), of which he is the current president, also known as the commander in chief (CiC). The article interrogates Malema's role in South African politics, and how he contributed to growing factionalism in the ANC. First, the article discusses Malema's early stages of joining politics, and his gradual growth, until he became the president of the ANCYL in 2008. Second, the article discusses his role in the politics of the mother body, the ANC, that is, in policies. Third, the article scrutinise why Malema was expelled from the ANCYL and, last, the emergence of the EFF in 2013 and its radical stance in the politics of South Africa.

Toward an assessment of the relevance of proposed public policy in contemporary African society: A retrospective review of Kenya's now‐defunct building bridges initiative, with special reference to post‐election violence

AbstractWhereas competing interests characterize the African public policy sphere today, the lens of mass‐elite differences has hardly been employed to study electoral violence. Accordingly, this article juxtaposes the lived experiences of ordinary Kenyan citizens, obtained through focus groups, with the content of the now‐defunct Building Bridges Initiative (BBI), a comprehensive set of public policy changes proposed by Kenya's political protagonists Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga in 2017. It poses the following broad question: did the BBI proposals truly intersect with the opinions and lived experiences of the masses? I find that various factors, including the lack of electoral and judicial integrity, and a winner‐takes‐all democratic system, are responsible for post‐election violence according to citizens. A comparative analysis of citizen perspectives and the BBI Report reveals considerable congruence in the understanding of the causes of post‐election violence. The study partly concludes that African leaders should continue to engage in policy entrepreneurship.Related ArticlesHodzi, Obert. 2020. “African Political Elites and the Making(s) of the China Model in Africa.” Politics & Policy 48(5): 887–987. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12380.Kouladoum, Jean‐Claude. 2023. “The Role of Freedom of Communication in Modulating the Effect of Political Participation on Electoral Outcome in Africa.” Politics & Policy 51(4): 588–613. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12539.Onyango, Gedion. 2024. “DHR‐PA—Democracy and Human Rights in Public Administration in Africa.” Politics & Policy 52(2): 426–49. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12584.

On Opposite Sides of the World – South African Expats’ Observations of the Society, Economy, Education and Ethics in South Korea

Abstract In this paper, a Comparative Historical Analysis (CHA) is made between South Korea and South Africa for the improvement of the South African politics, economy, society, and ethos. Through a mixed-methods approach, this study is making use of four case studies and a literature study to learn from the most prominent differences between RSA and ROK experienced by South African expats living in ROK (confirmed by other expats in ROK). The issues that form the basis of discussion of prominent differences between South Africa and South Korea are 1) the respect basis of society (the Korean focus on respect for others is viewed as a counter for racial superiority theories in RSA), 2) work ethics (the strong Korean commitment to hard work and proper remuneration corrects the lack of work ethics in small RSA enterprises), 3) education and innovation (the educational system in Korea is under less strain than in RSA because it receives high priority funding and support from the government), and 4) national cohesion (RSA’s diversity can be detrimental if leads to a lack of cohesion in the society). These issues are discussed from a CHA perspective for the purpose of contributing to the ongoing debate for the improvement of the South African society, economy and politics. By presenting case studies, this paper is limited in scope but makes an invaluable contribution to the wider debate on the improvement of RSA. The novel contribution of this paper is that it adds to the debate the observations of expatriates living in a country that has some similarities with RSA, but different from RSA, managed to improve their economy since their democratization in 1987.

The Spiralling of Corporate Corruption and the Plummeting of Corporate Governance and Ethical Leadership in African Institutions

Generally, several factors around the corporate world influence different nations technologically, socially, economically, and politically. Specifically, this paper focuses on the African continent’s politics concerning corporate corruption, corporate governance, and ethical leadership. This study aims to critically reflect on and evaluate the significance of curbing and combating corruption, promoting governance and ethics in Africa, and furthering and practising those principles. It employed a theoretical, qualitative content analysis approach in which a critical evaluation of relevant in-depth literature review was used and conducted to achieve the study objective. The results of this study revealed that: Incompetent and unethical leaders succumb to corruption, causing Africa's corruption to spiral out of control. Competent and ethical leaders, on the other hand, resist corruption; African leaders and authorities should take steps to fight corruption through ethics and governance; African corporations have become increasingly corrupt; corporate governance and ethical leadership have declined in Africa; African politicians have uncurbed power to advance their private gains, and finally, African leaders need to change their mindsets and cultures to achieve economic growth. This study emphasizes and reiterates the importance of dealing effectively with corporate corruption and advancing governance and ethics to benefit the African population and the continent. It further provides a broad and deeper understanding of corruption, ethics, and governance. The conceptual, strategic model provided by this study may be selected and used by African leaders, authorities, boards of directors, shareholders, and Chief Executive Officers (CEOs), as a tool to address corruption in African organizations and institutions.

Violent protests as language of agency in a post-apartheid South Africa – A theological pastoral study

The South African political and social landscape has been dominated and characterised by, among others, a growing number of protests in recent years. Protesting and marching are allowed by the constitution of the country, provided the required permission is granted by relevant authorities. Unfortunately, very few protests and marches end peacefully. Most lead to the destruction of property and even loss of life. Recent violent protests demanding the release of the jailed former President, Jacob Zuma, were estimated to cause losses of not less than a hundred million rand, with shops looted and trucks burnt. Violent protests have become the norm – similar to the period of contestations against the apartheid government. The point of departure of this article is that destructive protests need to be investigated to determine the causes while unveiling the challenges such protests bring to the community and the nation at large. The critical reading of post-apartheid academic and non-academic texts relevant to the topic will be read within the South African context, to determine the causes as we seek ways to minimise or even eradicate the violence that is destroying South Africa. The article will also advance the role of theology, particularly practical theology, in the elimination of such practices.Contribution: Working towards eliminating and arresting the social ills that are destroying South Africa cannot be achieved without addressing the destructive protests, which are delaying and even reversing the achievements of democracy. It is the role of practical theology, through its pastoral care and counselling, to engage with broken communities in trying to teach, counsel and show them the importance of avoiding vandalism and cruelty when seeking service delivery from their leaders.

African Popular Protest and Political Change

Abstract: In the twenty-first century, African countries have hosted more mass movements than any other region in the world. In the last decade, one in every three nonviolent revolutionary campaigns has taken place in Africa. The region also has the highest short-term success rate for people power. But is this success predicated on the mobilizational force of "protest democracy" to hold elites accountable? Or are African social movements' remarkable successes an environmental artefact, the result of ordinary protests in contexts of extraordinary instability? The evidence suggests that African social movements are uniquely effective and that political and military elites are increasingly trying to harness their power. Ordinary people—marshalled in massive demonstrations and persistent civil society organizing—have played a necessary, often decisive role in agitating for democracy. However, eliciting successful breakthroughs requires the alignment of protester demands with the abandonment of the status quo by elite blocs. Recent cascades of irregular power transfers in African politics illustrate these distinctive dynamics, where diverse domestic political contexts share an important common ingredient: the combination of mass movements pushing for change and military power players who are willing to help them.

Ideological dynamics in Ghana’s foreign policy: exploring the interplay between macro-ideologies and contextual ideas

ABSTRACT This article contributes to the evolving approaches that demonstrate the adaptability and everydayness of ideologies by exploring how contextual approaches can respond to the nuances of the ideology – foreign policy nexus in the African context and allow for a systematic comparative analysis. Drawing on Jonathan Maynard’s ideology-conflict thesis, Michael Freeden’s ideological morphology, and Marius Ostrowski’s comparative ideological morphology, it challenges the non-ideology thesis in African politics, arguing that the issue lies in the limitation of approaches, not the absence of ideology in foreign policymaking. The article demonstrates this by analyzing Ghana’s economic diplomacy, an area widely seen as non-ideological, across three administrations – Nkrumah, Rawlings and Kufuor. Applying the Ideological Contextualization Framework to the Ghanaian case, I argue that the varieties of Ghanaian nationalism characterized by its historically evolving components partly explain Ghana’s economic diplomacy. While the analysis in this article aims to further enhance the bid to see ideologies as phenomena that are ‘necessary, normal, and [which] facilitate (and reflect) political action’, 1 it is a call for further empirical application of contextual frameworks. It also demonstrates the potential of ideology to open analytical spaces for a better understanding of the dynamics of agency and dependency in Africa’s international relations.

Decolonizing Theories of Regional Integration

Interview with Dr. Ernest Toochi Aniche, Federal University Otuoke, Nigeria Ernest Toochi Aniche, PhD, is a Senior Lecturer and the Acting Head of the Department of Political Science, Federal University Otuoke, Bayelsa State, Nigeria. He holds BSc, MSc, and PhD degrees from the Department of Political Science, University of Nigeria with a specialization in International Relations. He is developing a new theory of African Integration (Post-Neofunctionalism), deconstructing the traditional Neo-functionalist approach. Dr. Aniche is a prolific scholar with over a hundred publications, including articles in dozens of the world’s most renowned African studies journals. He has also published co-edited books and authored and co-authored chapters in books published by reputable publishers such as Routledge (Taylor & Francis), Palgrave Macmillan (Springer Nature), Rowman & Littlefield International, Lexington Books, and Oxford University Press. The highlight of his career was co-editing books with the African scholar legend, Professor Toyin Falola. He is on the editorial boards of journals and publishers, particularly Springer Nature (SN) Social Sciences, Ubuntu: Journal of Conflict and Social Transformation, and Cambridge Scholars Publishing. In his interview, he explains what prompted him to develop his own theory of African integration, which would actually contribute to the development of the continent. He explains the reasons for the crisis tendencies of modern African regionalism, a manifestation of which is the creation of the Sahel State Alliance. He pays particular attention to the prospects for decolonizing social knowledge about Africa. He provides inspiring cases of those African intellectuals who were able to transform the study of politics from Political Science in Africa to African Political Science, as well as to decolonize African regionalism and African border and migration studies.

Euphrase Kezilahabi’s Kaptula la Marx as a site of cold war contestation and communitas making

This article analyzes Euphrase Kezilahabi’s Kiswahili play Kaptula la Marx, examining its explicit engagement with Cold War politics, ideologies, and aesthetics. Kezilahabi blends the satirical and revolutionary, making the play a site for Cold War contestations and community-building. It is a work of postcolonial disillusionment but also a call to arms. By focusing on the portrayal of the African dictator, particularly his ill-fitting clothes as symbols of power, Kezilahabi satirizes and undermines the dictator’s authority. The play’s rich Cold War references reveal Kezilahabi’s global visions, addressing African politics’ entanglement in the global Cold War and a growing North/South divide. Additionally, the play draws on radical theater traditions, featuring a revolutionary leader figure and interactive elements with the audience that inspire oppressed groups to unite for change.

Coloniality of Democracy and Algocracy in Africa: Vanhucracy as an Afrocentric Model for Politics

Originating from a Greek goddess called Demokratia, democracy constitutes a coup de ‘tat against African spirituality and against Afrocentric politics. Subjected not only to the Greek goddess Demokratia but also to algocracy, corporatocracy, and technocracy, African politics has long ceased to be Afrocentric in the sense of serving the material interests of African people. Drawing on the Shona (a people of Zimbabwe) term vanhu (humans) to coin the word vanhucracy, and drawing on intensive literature review, this paper argues that Western democracy is in fact colonial in the sense of it bypassing African material interests and in its privileging of liberal rights. In this regard, the paper also frames the argument in terms of what it calls the coloniality of democracy which speaks to how Demokratia disrupts Afrocentric politics.

The Supply of Digital Authoritarianism to Africa: an Empirical Study

Abstract Over the last two decades, there has been a remarkable increase in the practice of digital authoritarianism in Africa. Yet researchers remain divided as to the drivers of this trend, especially as it relates to its international origins. Some scholars have portrayed China as a foreign supply-side driver of the technologies and the practice of digital authoritarianism in Africa. However, others argue that such origins are overstated, contending that little evidence exists for a direct role of China in Africa’s increasing turn towards digital authoritarianism. In this paper, I use a norm diffusion and order project approach to propose and test an innovative theory of China’s strategic supply of its model of digital authoritarianism to Africa. China, I argue, supplies such technologies and expertise to Africa to shape international norms in a manner that favors its geopolitical goals. Consequently, I hypothesize that the more likely an African country is a regional norm diffuser, the more likely it will be that China supplies it with its model of digital authoritarianism. To test this theory, I conduct a statistical panel analysis of African countries for the years 2000–2020. My results confirm my hypothesis and present novel findings that have implications for technology governance, African politics, China’s rise, and China’s strategic contestation of international norms.

Philosophical analysis of ethnicity in modern African politics, leadership and governance

Philosophical analysis of ethnicity in modern African politics leadership and governance argues that the millionist touted idea that nationalism and ethnicity would dissipate as globalization and of course universalization of political ideas on governance unfolded have been disproved as both nationalism and ethnicity have on the contrary resurged and proliferated. This points out that although there are several conceptualizations of ethnicity; the one being singled out for closer study and analysis is instrumental ethnicity, the kind strategically fermented by the political elites who at times double as military leaders, ostensibly for ethnic benefit but more often than not, for the exclusive benefits of the political or military elites themselves. The nuanced dialectic at play with instrumental ethnicity is that, superficially it looks like everybody in the ethnic grouping will benefit; indeed, for some time they may as ethnic members feel it is their son/daughter in charge, a kind of psychological satisfaction, which may be accompanied by some rudimentary economic benefits. Closer study of the dynamics of sharing locally generated resources and revenue, however, shows that lack of transparency and equity in the apportionment of those resources ends up fanning civil/tribal unrest and may flair out into open conflicts.

Why democracy fails in Africa

AbstractOftentimes, we have been informed that democracy is the best form of government possible. In African politics, this view has mostly been adopted and pursued as true. Surprisingly, democracy has mostly failed as a system in most parts of the continent—with most democratic governments undermining the mandates of the citizens who are supposed to have placed them in power, and also escalating the already spiralling decline of the continent through bad leadership and corruption. In this article, and with Nigeria as the primary case study, I offer explanations regarding why democracy fails in most African countries. Specifically, I argue that mass miseducation and false self‐interestedness are the main culprits that limit the success of democracy in Africa. I further propose that democracy in Africa can only be salvaged when there is proper moral ideology guiding the informal education of citizens, when citizens are offered proper quality formal education that would grant them the necessary skills and aid them to make informed decisions, and when citizens take a turn from false self‐interestedness to true self‐interestedness (which is fealty to collective interests).

Black African Neo/Pentecostal Political Subjectivity and/as Black Consciousness

ABSTRACT This article explores the political implications of the intersection of African Political Theology and critical race discourse. Its main argument is that, African Neo/Pentecostal Political Theology highlights that moral and political subjectivity in the context of a necropolitical postcolonial Africa is a result of the intersection of a complex set of practices linked to oneself, others, the state, and G/god. Moreover, in its concern with political well-being, African Neo/Pentecostal Political Theology further highlights the black racial identity of its adherents as part of its ideological participation in the broader project of black emancipation. Such a centering of race not only de-abstracts African Political Theology and its Neo/Pentecostal subjects from their specific socio-political location of Africa, including all the implications of such a location. This centering is important to foreground also because it provides a different dimension through which to apprehend and comprehend the rise of Neo/Pentecostalism on the continent.

Hidden contestation: valence issues, methodological blindness and the politics of development in Nigeria

ABSTRACT Political competition in Africa is often characterized as suffering from a number of deficiencies at the level of political discourse and electoral campaigns, which together paint a picture of an essentially vacuous political life. This article contends that these absences are to some degree methodologically generated. If African political actors appear to have little substance to say about the most pressing social and economic issue of the day, then perhaps as scholars of politics we are looking at what they say in the wrong way? This article points to the limitations of an increasingly popular method of discourse analysis in African politics based on coding political statements within a framework that contrasts valence politics with a position-based appeals framework. It argues for an alternative more contextualized, inductive method of analysing political discourse as the struggle to control the meaning of key terms, using the example highly contested gubernatorial election in Nigeria’s southwest. Debates over “stomach infrastructure” and a “hierarchy of needs” reveal the possibility that political discourse and electoral campaigning that on more mechanistic methodologies look devoid of substantive political contestation in fact contain competing conceptions of development and what the state should do.

Social media and politics as usual? Exploring the role of social media in the 2022 Kenyan presidential election

ABSTRACT How is social media used in African elections and what is its impact? This article builds on existing research on the role of social media in African elections to argue that its impact is linked to its interaction with traditional media and pre-existing political features of a country. Drawing on original survey data, Afrobarometer data, and content analysis of social media pages of the two main presidential candidates – William Ruto and Raila Odinga – and a selection of allied political influencers’ accounts, we explore the use of social media in Kenya’s 2022 presidential election campaigns. This article highlights how a complex media and electoral landscape incentivised candidates to adopt a segmentation strategy online. Through this strategy, the dissemination of negative information was delegated to social media influencers to avoid alienating undecided voters, while candidate’s main pages were curated to publicise policy and cultivate a positive public image. In this regard, African politicians’ innovative use of social media was shaped by both normative and contextual political factors. We outline how social media affords new avenues for electioneering that may mask old habits, and we encourage researchers to look beyond official campaign accounts when assessing the impact of social media on elections.

The Employment Effects of Ethnic Politics

We study the labor market consequences of ethnic politics in African democracies. Using subnational georeferenced data from 15 countries from 1996 to 2017, we compare individuals from ethnicities linked to parties at the margin of electing a representative in the national parliament. Having a local ethnic party politician in parliament increases the likelihood of being employed by 2–3 percentage points. The effect is concentrated in the agricultural sector and mostly driven by self-employment, suggesting increased access to land as the main channel. We also show that religion and age are salient markers in African politics that trigger similar employment effects. (JEL D72, J15, J23, J43, O15, O17, Z12)