African National Congress Research Articles

WHY EFFECTIVE INTERGOVERNMENTAL GOVERNANCE MECHANISMS ARE IMPORTANT BEYOND 2024

The relevance of local governments is frequently defended based on municipalities’ novel contribution towards the promotion of democratisation and also the intensification of community participation in decision-making due to its close proximity to its citizens. However, the departing premise hereto is also that the realisation of a democratic and accountable government likewise depends on the degree of functionality of every municipal council. Volatility in governance structures like councils can therefore adversely compromise democratic and accountable governance, for example in cases of hung councils. In recent years, local coalition governments have been seen more frequently, partly due to the number of hang councils in South Africa. This can indirectly be attributed to the decline of support of the current ruling party in the Republic and, equally, the inability of other parties to obtain a clear majority during local government elections (Netswera & Khumalo 2022:1). This article investigates the effectiveness of national and provincial mechanisms strengthening an accountable and democratic local government Premier, Gauteng and Others v Democratic Alliance and Others matter. Through the doctrinal legal research, the authors used an analysis of primary sources on South African local government legislation and the impact the Premier, Gauteng and Others v Democratic Alliance and Others; All Tshwane Councillors who are Members of the Economic Freedom Fighters and Another v Democratic Alliance and Others; African National Congress v Democratic Alliance and Others (CCT 82/20; CCT 91/20) [2021] ZACC 34; 2021 (12) BCLR 1406 (CC); 2022 (1) SA 16 (CC) (4 October 2021) case have on hung councils. The research benefitted from secondary sources such as research reports, publications, journal articles and books. It follows that successful coalition councils are founded on the principles of cooperation and trust. Therefore, interventions as solitary intergovernmental mechanisms cannot remedy accountability and governance failures in municipalities, caused by coalition fallouts. Still, when a break between coalition partners ensues, accountable governance suffers because of the resulting volatility caused by the political standoff. The intergovernmental governance mechanisms, in isolation, are ineffective in sustaining and ensuring an accountable and democratic local government. Whereas, coalitions governments are the primary cause of volatility and dysfunctionality in municipalities, it remains the responsibility of coalitions to step up and execute their constitutional obligations as responsible executive actors in the local government area, to ensure accountable governance. In the absence thereof, coalitions must be held liable for the failure to execute their constitutional responsibilities

Grand Narratives of Transition and the Quest for Democratic Constitutionalism in India and South Africa

There are currently two contrasting ways of narrating the Indian and South African constitutional transitions. The first contends that they were moments when liberal constitutionalism was adapted to the circumstances of the Global South. In contrast to what happened in many other post-colonial countries, this narrative goes, constitution-making in both India and South Africa was driven by a broadly representative liberation movement that had endeavoured to catch the colonial state in the contradiction between its claimed ‘civilising mission’ and the reality of its oppressive operation. At independence, the Congress party in India and the African National Congress in South Africa expressed this conception of the anti-colonial struggle in constitutions that repurposed liberal constitutionalism to the challenges of post-colonial governance. In so doing, they not only pluralised that approach to governance beyond the West. They developed it in ways that are relevant to the revival of liberal constitutionalism in the Global North. The second narrative, detectable in recent work in decolonial theory, but also in an older tradition of culturalist critique in each country, rejects this account of liberal constitutionalism’s already-achieved de-Westernisation. Far from demonstrating the universalisability of liberal constitutionalism’s animating principles, adherents of this second narrative maintain, the Indian and South African Constitutions simply reflect the values of the Westernised political elite that adopted them. As such, they prolong the colonial past into the colonial present and perpetuate the suppression of indigenous lifeways that began under colonial rule. After setting out these two narratives as they apply to each country, this paper brings them into dialogue with each other. Rather than offering a purportedly neutral framework by which to assess them, each narrative is treated as the other’s most demanding interlocutor, alert to its blind spots and convenient omissions. Proceeding in this way, the paper contends that, notwithstanding their many differences, the two narratives – charitably interpreted – are committed to the same ideal: a distinctively Southern conception of constitutionalism that gives the post-colonial state a central role in overcoming past injustices and creating the conditions for active citizenship. The final section of the paper examines the suggestions that adherents of the charitable version of each narrative make about how to realise this ideal in India and South Africa. The problem with the second narrative, the decolonial/culturalist story, is that its adherents’ call for fundamental constitutional overhaul tends to be lacking in detail and also in attentiveness to the political context in which such a call would be implemented. One very real challenge for adherents of the charitable version of this narrative is the risk that any new constitution-making process might be dominated by political actors with an exclusionary conception of the relevant national people. The first narrative, the ‘liberal constitutionalism already de-Westernised’ story, points in the direction of incremental adjustment rather than complete constitutional overhaul. While absolving its adherents of the need to design things afresh, this does not mean they have an easier run of things. Indeed, if anything, the demands on them are higher given the evident failure of the Indian and South African Constitutions thus far to realise their ambitions.

‘Grounding together’ or digging movements into the ground? South African scholar-activism 30 years after democracy

The fiftieth anniversary of ROAPE coincidentally marks 30 years of what may be called ‘bourgeois democracy’ in South Africa. Walter Rodney’s debate with mainly white lecturers (including early contributors and founders of ROAPE) at Dar es Salaam in 1971 offers a pivot from which to explore the representation of popular movements in South Africa in the 2000s, which centred on the assumption that the working class had fallen victim to the adoption of neoliberal policies by the ruling African National Congress. This article explores the relationship between race, class and knowledge production as well as contested meanings of transformation in this context. While the independent left (those outside of mainstream political parties as well as the tripartite alliance) in South Africa has at times heroically supported the struggles of grassroots movements, the article argues that we have reached an impasse. Our consistent socialist rhetoric and methods of movement building tend to be out of touch with grassroots movements. A renewed political dialogue is required to explore the extent to which it remains possible to ‘ground together’ (Rodney 1969) in collaboration with the various streams of discontent and militancy in the country.

SHEMBE PHILOSOPHY: THE DECOLONISATION OF RELIGION AND SPIRITUALITY

This piece of scholarly work in the sight of the public is crafted to drive or to win any theological debate or argument but I simple seek to advance the understanding of Shembe in the specific area of His philosophy not the holistic Shembe. This I say because no one on earth can claim in totality that he or she has a better understanding of Shembe, hence choosing the concept of philosophy which is the critical examination of ground fundamental beliefs and analysis of concept, doctrines, and practices was relevant. The process of decolonization has been a significant area of scholarly inquiry in various fields, including religion and spirituality. Shembe philosophy placed a strong emphasis on cultural revival and the restoration of African spiritual practices. The movement sought to reclaim African spirituality while accommodating certain aspects of organic Christianity. Central to Shembe philosophy was to reconnect the so-called lost generation of Abantu in the ancestral connection, the veneration of ancestors, and the preservation of African traditions (Wababa, 2018). The complexity of such role from Jehovah was delicate and crucial. Isaiah Shembe known as Umqaliwendlela would hear a voice singing new unexpected words. A qualitative study method was employed in this study to enable a comprehensive exploration of the experiences, perspectives, and practices within Shembe communities. The study findings revealed that the key principles and teachings of Shembe philosophy have now a massive influence and understanding of decolonization in guiding the community’s beliefs and practices. The community have incorporation of Shembe philosophy into their daily lives for decolonial transformation. The findings further revealed although numerous challenges faced by the Shembe community in their pursuit of decolonization and cultural heritage preservation, but the post-colonial era in South Africa has made much better to defend His philosophy using the current constitution chapter 2 which clearly stipulates in the Bill of Rights, which states that everyone has right to freedom of religion, belief, and opinion. Section 9, the equality clause, prohibits unfair discrimination on various grounds including religion. Shembe fought spiritual the above religious right from as early as 1900 until the formation of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC), later known as the African National Congress (ANC) on the 08 January 1912. In conclusion, the Shembe philosophy has lightning influence in guiding the community’s beliefs and practices. The post-colonial role of Shembe philosophy in the decolonization of religion and spirituality requires further exploration and development.

South Africa's Persistent Social ills Post-1994 and the Deterioration of the African National Congress (ANC): Is the Country Heading towards a Failing State?

This article investigates the increasing and continuous social ills that millions of South African individuals have faced since the ushering of a democratic government in 1994. It claims that the African National Congress (ANC) is yearly losing its grip on its power to run the country and alter the current development hurdles. This is against growing dissatisfaction with the ruling party of poor service delivery, corruption, state capture, and maladministration, among other dynamics. Post-1994, the realities of changing society and putting in place the bold development aspirations of a newly democratic country put more spotlight on the institutions and fiscal arrangements that could, mindful of ecological constrictions and economic ambitions, deliver much-needed essential services to people experiencing poverty. However, lessons from this are that irrespective of some achievements; the country has continued to witness significant challenges, particularly the triple challenges of unemployment, poverty, and inequality in an era where the ANC continues to lose power and grip in many municipalities. However, it is argued in this article that the ANC might not necessarily lose control in the next decade, nor will South Africa become a failed state. Nevertheless, it will face the uncertainty of more fighting and losing more grip as parties such as the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) gain more political ground yearly. The article is based on a qualitative research approach through secondary data sources, including journal articles, books, chapters in books, credible newspapers, and online sources.

Press and Politics: Contributions of Sol Plaatje to South African Journalism

The article looks into the journalism of Solomon Thekisho Plaatje (popularly known as Sol Plaatje) and his contributions to the early South African black press and politics. Sol Plaatje remains one of South Africa’s most important political and literary figures. He was a pioneer of black press in South Africa. He was a spokesman of his people and an opinion leader among them. He was the first Secretary of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC) which later became the African National Congress (ANC), the current ruling political party in South Africa. His services to war correspondents as secretary, typist or interpreter and ‘liaison officer’ (to war correspondent Vere Stent) laid the foundation for his careers in journalism and writing. Plaatje edited/published a number of Setswana/English newspapers such as Koranta ea Becoana ( Bechuana Gazette), Tsala ea Becoana ( Bechuana Friend) which later became Tsala ea Batho ( Friend of the People) and Our Heritage. He also wrote regularly for English language newspapers such as Star, Pretoria News, Cape Times, Cape Argus and Diamond Fields Advertiser. The study seeks to find out the interplay between Sol Plaatje’s journalism and politics and his contributions to South African journalism as a pioneer of the black press. The study adopts the historical research method. Data gathered for the study were qualitatively analysed. Sol Plaatje’s kind of journalism was developmental as it was geared towards defending his people and re-orientating them to better ideals while at the same time trying to build cohesion with the white populace. The study is a contribution to the reconstruction of media history in the post-apartheid South Africa.

Public trust deficit in democratic state and political institutions: Ominous Signposts for South Africa

This paper uses politico-social capital theorisation of the relationship between public trust and democracy in order to demonstrate the interdependence of the African National Congress’ (ANC’s) declining electoral fortunes and the increasing public trust deficits in South Africa’s state, constitutional democracy and political institutions. As desktop-based research, the paper conducts literature survey to distils the relationship between public trust, as social capital, in institutions of society, and electoral performance and formation of societal leadership vacuum, within complexities of the political-economy and political culture and system such as those entrenched in South Africa under the ANC’s 28-year rule. The paper analyses statistical evidence from Afrobarometer’s 2022 survey about South Africans’ public trust in state and political institutions from 2006 to 2021, as well as national, provincial and local government election results from the Independent Electoral Commission of South Africa (IEC) from 1994 to 2019, to corroborate its theoretical framing. It makes three findings, thus: there is a direct relationship between the ANC’s declining electoral fortunes and the erosion of public trust in institutions of society; the ANC’s 28-years of state governance has created an ominous societal leadership vacuum, setting South Africa’s democracy on the precipice of civil strife; and, the ANC’s declining electoral fortunes will persist into the foreseeable future because public trust is hard to regain and sustain once eroded.

The Decolonisation of Religion and Spirituality: A Case of Shembe Philosophy

Purpose: The purpose of this scholarly work or study in the sight of the public is not crafted to drive or to win any theological debate or argument but I simple seek to advance the understanding of Shembe in the specific area of His philosophy not the holistic Shembe. This I say because no one on earth can claim in totality that he or she has a better understanding of Shembe, hence choosing the concept of philosophy which is the critical examination of ground fundamental beliefs and analysis of concept, doctrines, and practices was relevant for this academic paper.
 The process of decolonization has been a significant area of scholarly inquiry in various fields, including religion and spirituality. Shembe philosophy placed a strong emphasis on cultural revival and the restoration of African spiritual practices. The movement sought to reclaim African spirituality while accommodating certain aspects of organic Christianity. Central to Shembe philosophy was to reconnect the so-called lost generation of Abantu in the ancestral connection, the veneration of ancestors, and the preservation of African traditions (Wababa, 2018). The complexity of such role from Jehovah was delicate and crucial. Isaiah Shembe known as Umqaliwendlela would hear a voice singing new unexpected words.
 Methodology: A qualitative study method, interprevist paradigm and phenomenological design was employed in this study to enable a comprehensive exploration of the experiences, perspectives, and practices within Shembe communities.
 Findings: The study findings revealed that the key principles and teachings of Shembe philosophy have a massive influence and understanding of decolonization in guiding the community’s beliefs and practices. The community have incorporation of Shembe philosophy into their daily lives for decolonial transformation. The findings further revealed although numerous challenges faced by the Shembe community in their pursuit of decolonization and cultural heritage preservation, but the post-colonial era in South Africa has made much better to defend His philosophy using the current constitution chapter 2 which clearly stipulated in the Bill of Rights, which states that everyone has right to freedom of religion, belief, and opinion. Section 9, the equality clause, prohibits unfair discrimination on various grounds including religion. Shembe fought spiritual the above religious right from as early as 1900 until the formation of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC), later known as the African National Congress (ANC) on the 08 January 1912.
 Unique Contributor to Theory, Policy and Practice: In conclusion, the Shembe philosophy has a lightning influence in guiding the community’s beliefs and practices. The post-colonial role of Shembe philosophy in the decolonization of religion and spirituality requires further exploration and development.

Frederik W. de Klerk: Presidential Years in the International Arena

Abstract In South Africa's history, Frederik W. de Klerk has left numerous bookmarks. During his presidency (1989-1994), notable ones relate to his handling of foreign affairs. When he became president, he was a novice in this field. His reputation at home was initially built on conservative values. When he succeeded Pieter W. Botha in August 1985, South Africa was internationally isolated and internally in disarray. The date 2 February 1990, when he released Nelson Mandela from prison and unbanned the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP), will forever be associated with an acclaimed and courageous political quantum leap. Soon afterwards, on 21 March 1990, he transferred South Africa's control and administration of Namibia to its first president. De Klerk dealt with two crucial issues head-on. First, he returned the military to true and proper civilian control. His decision to destroy South Africa's nuclear arsenal led to the signing of the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons Treaty in July 1991. By engaging in personal diplomacy, he forged remarkable relationships with President George H. W. Bush and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, who, together with other world leaders, recognized that De Klerk was determined to repair South Africa's disastrous foreign relations. He evaluated the events in Eastern Europe, the fall of the Berlin Wall, and demise of the Soviet Union in their proper context. In December 1993, he shared the Nobel Peace Prize with Mandela. Up to now De Klerk legacy in the realm of international relations have not been properly explored.

Proving a Secret Massacre: The Case of South Africa’s Bloody Sunday, East London, 9 November 1952

When the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of 1996/97 was tasked with investigating gross human rights violations from 1 March 1960 to 1994, there was a presumption that apartheid atrocities began with the massacre at Sharpeville in which police shot and killed 69 people. That massacre, on 21 March 1960, is also thought to have been the largest single-day mass killing by police in the apartheid era. Research on the African National Congress (ANC) Defiance Campaign of 1952 questions both presumptions. There were numerous clashes between police and protesters that involved extensive police violence but have been remembered as ‘riots’. The worst was in East Bank Location/Duncan Village, East London, on 9 November 1952. Police broke up an ANC Youth League-organised meeting and over the next few hours shot and killed an untold number of people. Estimates of the death toll range from an official figure of eight to more than 200, with two white people killed by enraged crowds in retaliation. Until recently the events were clouded in secrecy. This article draws on the now extensive historiography on the day as well as new archival and field research and international literature on mass killings. It concludes that the police killings on South Africa’s ‘Bloody Sunday’ should be recognised as a massacre that was covered up by both sides.

A Leap in the Dark: The Disappearance of Flag Boshielo, Castro Dolo, Victor Ndaba and Bob Zulu in August 1970

In August 1970, four senior African National Congress members – Flag Boshielo, Castro Dolo, Victor Ndaba and Bob Zulu – vanished during their clandestine return to South Africa from exile in Zambia. It was thought that they had met a tragic end while crossing the Zambezi River into the Eastern Caprivi of South West Africa (now the Zambezi Region of Namibia). After 1994, renewed attempts to establish the men’s fate were hampered by a paucity of archival data, the unwillingness of witnesses to provide information and the passage of time. Recent research in the Eastern Caprivi brought new information to light when local communities were found to be familiar with a story about ‘foreign fighters’ who crossed the Zambezi River. The strangers were betrayed to the South African police and drawn into an ambush. Research in the National Archives of Namibia also yielded new information. By piecing together local narratives with archival material and interviews with former members of Umkhonto we Sizwe and the South African Police, this article chronicles the odyssey and fate of Boshielo and his companions, although some questions remain. Unfortunately, in South Africa, the search for those who disappeared during the struggle against white minority rule is by no means complete. This article demonstrates the value of extending research beyond South African borders when information and knowledge are scattered across countries, institutions, communities and individuals.

Populism and the Africanists in East London in the 1940s and Early 1950s

This article considers popular political mobilisation in East London prior to the launch of the Defiance Campaign in the city in 1952, which ignited a racial war. It suggests that the failure of the municipal authority to assimilate urbanising Africans from regional mission stations and schools, especially in the 1940s, created a crisis of legitimacy for the white city fathers, who had previously promised to find a place for educated and ‘civilised’ Africans. As young, educated African elites were blocked from climbing the class ladder, despite the growth and prosperity of the city, and were prevented from escaping the congestion and filth of its neglected African locations, a strong sense of affinity was forged between them and the urban poor despite their cultural and class differences. This was intensified when apartheid-style laws were introduced that treated and prosecuted all Africans in the same racialised ways. After the African National Congress Youth League was established in the city, educated elites and ordinary people participated in a single set of protests against the municipal leadership around living conditions and their right to urbanise. This was framed by a strongly Africanist ideology, analysed here through a discussion of populism.

Raids, Resistance, and Retribution: South Africa's Cato Manor Killings, 1960–1

AbstractOn 24 January 1960 nine police were killed in the African settlement of Cato Manor when residents turned on officers conducting a liquor patrol. On 5 September 1961, nine men convicted of the killings were hanged in Pretoria's Central Prison. These deaths produced contrasting narratives, one by the apartheid state and then decades later, another by the current African National Congress government. Apartheid police and judicial authorities vilified the accused as the worst kind of killers who wantonly slaughtered the representatives of law and order. Sixty years later, these murderers of the apartheid period were resurrected as martyrs and their remains were interred at Heroes Arch, a resting place for many antiapartheid activists. Moving past these binary versions allows us to consider a more mundane story that underscores the South African state's commitment to a model of policing that generated an unmatched degree of persecution in colonial Africa.

Taking a back seat: the politicization of municipal environmental governance in South Africa

ABSTRACT Local government (LG) in South Africa (SA) is mandated to provide adequate service delivery and to ensure environmental protection within municipal boundaries. Local Environmental Governance (EG) is influenced by the actions of municipal councils and political leadership, resulting in politicized local EG. The ruling African National Congress (ANC) party has been gradually losing political power since 1994, and corruption and unprofessionalism in LG have increased and influenced EG. Limited scholars have attempted to examine the in-depth relationship between political dynamics, environmental issues and local municipalities within the political−administrative interface in SA. To address this, we utilize a Political Ecology Approach (PEA) to assess the influence of political dynamics on local EG in the uMzinyathi district and Endumeni local municipalities in SA. A mixed methods approach was utilised. The findings revealed that political dynamics both enabled and impeded local EG. While mainstreaming and alignment to national policy were evident, EG interventions and environmental resources were often co-opted for political canvassing and incentivization, or the relative prioritization of EG was dependent on political mandates. The research contributed to a detailed understanding of how EG ‘takes a back seat’ to political exigencies within a predominately fragile and under functioning LG sphere in SA.

Political power and politics: selecting, creating, and preserving liberation movement archives in South Africa

PurposeThe purpose of the study is to assess the role of political power and politics in selecting, creating and preserving Liberation Movement archives in South Africa.Design/methodology/approachA review of literature focusing on liberations archives was carried out.FindingsPolitics and the associated power play an essential role in the selection, creation and preservation of liberation movement archives. The study found out that the African National Congress (ANC) selected the University of Fort Hare as the center to preserve liberation movements repatriated from all over the world to South Africa. The National Archives of South Africa did not play a role in the preservation of liberation movement archives. The study also noted that there existed an ineffective collaboration between the ANC and the National Archives of South Africa regarding the preservation of liberation movements archives.Research limitations/implicationsThe study focused on the liberation movement archives created by the ANC of South Africa only.Social implicationsThe establishment of liberation archives may promote social cohesion.Originality/valueThe liberation movement archives are a part of the history of South Africa and present perspectives on the history of the liberation of South Africa. This study, which builds on the post-colonial scholarship on liberation movement archives, discussed the significance of liberation archives.

Elites and economic policy in South Africa’s transition and beyond

ABSTRACT We build on and critique previous literature on economic policy configuration during the transition from apartheid to democracy (1990 to 1994) in South Africa (SA). The contribution of this article, and our critique of much influential literature on economic policy formation during the transition, is that the powerful corporate elites were not just stakeholders in negotiations between the apartheid government, the African National Congress (ANC) and other parties. We adopt a structural approach that highlights the crucial role of corporate elites and their active manoeuvring to manage and control economic policymaking during the transition to ensure continuity of the ostensibly free market economic policies they designed during the late-apartheid period. The complicity of the economic leadership of the ANC in squashing progressive economic transformation horizons is directly connected to the survival and institutionalisation in the present of late-apartheid neoliberalised economic policy. Ultimately, the corporate elite’s exertion of their state-expanded powers, their co-option of selected members of the black political elite and the ANC’s economic policy self-emasculation has further strengthened multinational corporations’ domination of SA’s markets, which were already highly concentrated, and limited present and future possibilities for inclusive development of the SA economy.

Mzansi Magic

Mzansi Magic

The African National Congress and South Africa’s Public Service: A Crisis of Dominance and Accountability

This article explores the impact of African National Congress-led government’s dominance on South Africa’s public service. On onehand, the African National Congress since the 1994 democratic elections had many achievements in advancing South Africa’s democracy and responding to the citizens’ needs through countless development and policy initiatives that were designed to cater to the basic needs of the citizens. On the other hand, it has become less responsive to citizen needs and this is evident as citizens have taken to the streets to protest for service provisions throughout the country. Citizens’ discontent can be seen in the rapid decline of the African National Congress’ political dominance and the formation of political coalitions. South African public service delivery has been marked by a lack of public accountability, corruption, cadre deployment, state capture, and procurement system manipulation as a result of the African National Congress’s dominance since the country’s first democratic elections. It is important to note that most South African citizens depend on the public sector and the African National Congress’s dominance in the public sector has damaged its ability to be responsive to citizens’ needs. This article relied on secondary sources, by reviewing current literature on the ramifications of having one political party dominating the country’s political space for decades.

Metavoicing, trust-building mechanisms and partisan messaging: a study of social media usage by selected South African female politicians

ABSTRACT This study investigates social media usage patterns, Twitter’ frequency use and message typologies of selected South African female politicians’. Using the digital public sphere theory as a lens, the study considers six hundred Twitter posts from six female politicians from the African National Congress, Democratic Alliance, and Economic Freedom Fighters political parties to examine the potential of social media for visibility and participation, particularly for female politicians who are underrepresented in mainstream media platforms. The study finds that these politicians leverage digital media to promote their public works, challenging media gatekeeping and asserting agency in shaping public discourse. The findings also reveal the strategic use of social media for self-promotion allowing female politicians to enhance visibility, influence public perception, and consolidate their positions.

Voting and protest tendencies associated with changes in service delivery

ABSTRACT Existing literature highlights the complexities of the relationship between voting, protest action and service delivery within Southern African democracies. We explore the relationship between these variables for South Africa by generating a new dataset from various sources. Although this relationship has been explored before, the existing evidence is mixed. The results from this study therefore bring a fresh perspective, especially at a time during which the political power of the incumbent African National Congress has been declining. We find that improvements in service delivery are not significantly associated with an increase in votes for the incumbent party, indicating that accountability is not the main motivation for South Africans’ voting decisions. However, we find a statistically significant negative correlation between protest action and service delivery, providing evidence of the increasing importance of protest action as a form of political accountability in South Africa.