Afghanistan Pakistan Research Articles

A Study on Afghanistan Pakistan Transit Trade Agreement

The relationship between Afghanistan and its neighbor country Pakistan unceasingly continued anxious thru inferences meant for the political economy. since 1950s, the entrée to ocean remained serious for financial development of Afghanistan due to fronting thoughtful transportation difficulties by Pakistan. It is expected that consequences found as of the research will deliver a better thoughtful of the significant reason of Afghanistan Pakistan Transit Trade Agreement efficiency for bilateral trade and disclose the main challenges between Afghanistan and Pakistan. The current research purposes to find out the Trade Relation between Afghanistan and Pakistan. This research designates the procedures and methods that the scholar used while conducting research. The chapter is made up of design, population, sampling techniques, sampling size, data collection procedures, data analysis procedure, questionnaire was designed in 5 Likert-scale and was distributed to 100 participants. Research shows most of candidates agreed that Ambiguities in the rules and procedures pertaining to bonded carriers should be removed as well as the participants agreed that Afghanistan Pakistan Transit Trade Agreement is the best framework for expanding business relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan if implemented perfectly, therefore it was recommended that both countries must remove uncertainties and barriers in the rules and procedures pertaining to bonded carriers. The limitation of study was lake of interest of participants to participate in this study.

Turkmenistan Afghanistan Pakistan India Gas Pipeline and Foreign Policy of Pakistan

Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan India gas pipeline project is a component of an extensive plan to develop Asia’s interconnected energy systems. The Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan pipeline has a significant impact on energy security and regional integration in South Asia. This gas pipeline project can address the growing energy demand of the region. However, due to the volatility in the political landscape of South Asia and the complexity of large-scale energy projects, the project is facing a number of critical challenges that need the focus of the regional partners and stakeholders. The limited literature on the TAP gas pipeline project has focused on security hurdles to the projects from the member countries’ perspective. The research study found that the main hurdle to executing the TAP gas pipeline project in Pakistan is the country’s internal issues, a lack of investments, lack of financial resources, international pressure, the country’s regional issues and the dynamics of changing regional situations. The research study is proposed to be useful for policymakers to evaluate the implication of energy import dependency and to frame foreign policy.

Taliban 2.0 and Afghanistan–Pakistan Relations

Afghanistan remained at the centre stage of regional and global politics owing to its unique geopolitical location in the Cold War period. Afghan jihad of the 1980s impacted not only Afghanistan but also its neighbours particularly Pakistan. In the post-Cold War period, civil war engulfed the war-ravaged and poverty-stricken country which was controlled by the Taliban in 1996. Pakistan recognised the Taliban rule which was ended by the American military might in the wake of 9/11. In the post-Taliban period, the USA-led NATO alliance experimented a Western-style political and economic order in tradition-bound Afghanistan. Paradoxically, after 20 years, different political personalities and presidential terms failed to stabilise the country. Since the Obama years the USA seemed more interested in Indo-Pacific than West Asia. Hence, it opted to withdraw from Afghanistan while doing a deal with the Taliban in Doha in February 2020. The withdrawal policy was operationalised by the Biden Administration. Since 15 August 2021 Afghanistan has been under the Taliban control for the second time, hence, it is termed Taliban 2.0 by this study. Compared to their first regime, the Taliban 2.0 has not been formally recognised by any country so far. Will the Taliban gain regional, if not, international recognition in the foreseeable future? Will Pakistan aid the Taliban in this respect? To what extent intra-Taliban friction impacts bilateral relations? How does Pakistan view Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and vice versa? And, above all, how will Afghanistan and Pakistan treat each other in the coming months? These are some crucial questions that this study attempts to address underpinned by primary and secondary sources.

Pak Afghan Border Problems and its Inferences on Pushtoon Both Sides Residents

It is widely accepted that Pakistan is situated at a very important strategic location on world map. Russia, China and Central Asian countries in north, Middle east in south west and far east countries in east of Pakistan makes this country strategically very important among world nations. Because of its valuable strategic location, most importantly its sea connection to the central Asian states, China and Russia which connects trade, oil and gas routs to the rest of the world through warm waters increases the importance of the country at no-match level. As every big fortune brings a trouble, this strategic importance brings a lot of troubles for the country. After world war II, Soviet Union needed to access warm waters for its uninterrupted connectivity with the world through sea routs. For that Soviets need a good sea port, the options they had were limited. Either they would connect through Chabahar port, Iran or either they would touch Baluchistan region of Pakistan. Comparatively, they found Pakistan an easy target aimed their invasion to Afghanistan as their direct neighbor and Pakistan as a weak state and a sandwich between India and Russia through Afghanistan. Besides this scenario, since the foundation of Pakistan, mismanagement at Pakistan Afghanistan border has been a reason of conflicts. A well secure and managed border can bring stability in economic and security situation of the region. After Soviet invasion, federally administered tribal areas (FATA) became the heaven of militant groups and the symbol of resistance against Soviet forces. Since that time, cross border movement of militant groups is a huge security concern for both countries. Available data also suggests that Pakistan has suffered huge economic and security costs because of the mismanagement of its western border with Afghanistan. In order to maintain peace and stability in the region, Pakistan has proposed and started construction of fences and infrastructure in 2016 including gateways for trade and cross border activities of complex socio-economic tribal system on the both sides of Pak-Afghanistan border. These steps significantly reduced cross border terrorist activities.

The Pashtun Trajectory: From the Colonially Constructed Notion on ‘Violent’ Pashtun Tribe to ‘Non Violent’ Pashtun Tahafuz Movement

Pashtuns have been subjected to the colonially constructed representation of themselves which is grounded on certain generalisations and stereotypes that were framed and propagated during the time of British military encounters with the frontier tribes, residing in Afghanistan and present day Pakistan’s frontier region. The oriental representation of the Pashtuns in western academic writings is the result of the vast literature that were produced based on the experiences of British military expeditions against the so-called tribal Pashtuns. Although throughout history there have been instances of non-violent movements initiated by the Pashtuns, the persistence of colonial knowledge has made it impossible to deconstruct the notion surrounding Pashtuns as ‘inherently ferocious’ and ‘violent’ in nature from the popular conscience. In such an environment the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), a non-violent human rights movement in Pakistan, is trying to present a counter narrative to the image of ‘Violent Pashtuns’ from the popular discourse at present. This research critically analyses the representation of Pashtuns in both past and the contemporary literature and other popular media which help in building narratives and deciding on the policies of the state (Pakistan) and other (religious, social or political) organisations towards this group. It highlights the importance of rising beyond the orientalist discourse to focus more on local narratives in understanding about the Pashtuns and their problems.

Trump’s strategy in South Asia: Afghanistan’s Gordian knot

ABSTRACT This article examines President Donald Trump's South Asia Strategy, which places Afghanistan in a broader regional context. During Bush and Obama’s administrations, the regional policy was Afghanistan–Pakistan (Af-Pak) centric, and while under Trump’s regime (2017–2021), Afghanistan, Pakistan and India seemed to be given more weight. The United States (US), a leading proponent of regional security in Afghanistan, has found itself in a difficult situation while making a balancing choice between regional adversaries such as the Sino-Pak Axis and India, whose conflicting interests in Afghanistan have always created a Gordian Knot-like problem. Stuck between a rock and a hard place, some competing views emerged with regard to the practicability of Trump’s policy. Against this backdrop, this article attempts to examine the following question: Would Trump have been able to cut the Gordian knot if he had achieved his strategic objective of peace and regional security in Afghanistan?

Dynamics of Trust and Mistrust in the Afghanistan–Pakistan Relationship

ABSTRACT Following its independence from Britain in 1947, Pakistan inherited territorial disputes with Afghanistan and India. The conflicts over the Durand Line demarcation and Pashtunistan became guiding factors in Afghanistan’s opposition to Pakistan’s membership of the United Nations. Since then, relations have been more conflictual than cooperative. The nature of the bilateral relationship has been overshadowed by mutual mistrust, despite the two nations’ cultural links and Pakistan being home to the world’s largest number of Afghan refugees. This article employs trust theory to explain why the two states continue to have less cooperative, more conflictual relations. Based on the analysis, this paper accepts that bilateral interactions between the two states are dominated more by the long legacy of mistrust than by a perceived need for cooperation, but argues that they act more “rationally” when they interact with each other in negotiations involving other countries (e.g., trustworthy hegemons), whether in connection with trade or security matters. This article argues that the manifestations of strategic trust in multi-party negotiations are largely due to the fear of losing enormous economic and geopolitical benefits from other actors, such as China and India, in case of non-cooperation.

PAKISTAN AFGHAN RELATION: HISTORY CONFLICTS AND CHALLENGES


 
 Pakistan and Afghanistan, two immediate Muslim neighbors, that not only share a common border but also have many other commonalities such as; linguistic, strong historical, ethnic, cultural, and religious ties. Despite of its geo-strategic location and various common factors, nature of Pak- Afghan ties the nature of PakAfghan relations is characterized by mistrust and suspicions and painful experience for both of them. Since its inception, Pakistan faces a hostile attitude from its western neighbor Afghanistan. Except during the Taliban’s four-year era, all the rulers of Afghanistan showed fluctuating degrees of dissatisfaction towards Pakistan. Conflict over Duran line, Soviet-Afghan war Pakistan support to Taliban, Pakistan role in War on Terror, and growing cross border militancy has stained relation between both countries. The main objective of this study is to evaluate the Pakistan Afghanistan relation in a historical context and highlight those factors which were the main hurdles in the way of a smooth and positive relation.
 
 
 
 

Maritime narcotics trafficking in the Western Indian Ocean

ABSTRACT Maritime narcotics trafficking in the Indian Ocean has increasingly become a major security concern for India and other countries in the region, with the Afghanistan–Pakistan corridor being the primary conduit facilitating illegal drug trade via the sea-route in the Western Indian Ocean. However, there is a gap in understanding the extent and manner of the criminal syndicate involvement in the maritime narcotics drug trafficking in the region. This commentary looks at the emerging maritime-bound illicit drug trafficking in the region and also analyses the modus of operandi of the criminal syndicate in Pakistan to evade detection from the law-enforcement. It also examines the role of Combined Maritime Force (CMF) and regional navies in detecting and tracking the maritime narcotics trafficking in the Western Indian Ocean.

The Impact of CPEC on Regional Politics around Durand Line

The Purpose of this Research is to explore the impact of CPEC on Regional Politics around Durand Line while establishing links of such influences with socio economic history of this region. The research effort shall also help to identify avenues and opportunities for Afghanistan and Pakistan in accepting the Durand Line as an International Border. It is a fact that despite being neighbors with socio-cultural and ethnic alignments, the two countries have experienced strain in relations during seven decades of coexistence. Political stability has never been good in the region because of weak administrative control on this border. Optically, Durand Line has been the main reason. Unaccounted movement of refugees, tax evaded businesses and trade, cross border tribal influences, human trafficking, illegal manufacturing and exchange of arms and ammunition kept the region under turmoil. Security situation all around Pakistan Afghanistan Border remained a question mark. The last One decade has been a decade of realization. The post 9/11 attacks in New York and US War on Terrorism paved way for re-identifying legitimacy and acceptance of the Durand Line. And then the China Pakistan Economic Corridor played a defining role in re-affirmation of Durand Line. Security situation and controls needed to be improved before crafting such huge BRI Investments by China. Governments in Pakistan & Afghanistan have begun to feel that clarity on Durand line will resolve half of their security issues if not all. Pakistan started putting up physical barriers all along, the Durand Line. Afghanistan’s Military responded with equi-controls. About 10-15% of the border belt areas resisted to this call. But Pakistan’s Resolve continues to strengthen the border. This is leading to an increased control and acceptance of the Durand Line. For US these enhanced controls would lead to segregation of Afghan extremists from some of the Tribal Radicals of Pakistan, ultimately weakening their opposition in Afghanistan. The government in Kabul has also been demanding non-interference from Pakistani Tribal Areas. For China strengthening Durand Line means security of CPEC. All these developments put together create an opportunity for both Afghanistan and Pakistan to increase cordiality with each other. This research effort can draw the attention of experts not only on both sides of this border but other states as well supporting the demarcation drive of the Durand Line. Moreover it will also enlighten about the likely repercussions for regional players in case of non-acceptance of the Durand Line.

Polymorphisms in Plasmodium vivax antifolate resistance markers in Afghanistan between 2007 and 2017

BackgroundPlasmodium vivax is the predominant Plasmodium species in Afghanistan. National guidelines recommend the combination of chloroquine and primaquine (CQ-PQ) for radical treatment of P. vivax malaria. Artesunate in combination with the antifolates sulfadoxine-pyrimethamine (SP) has been first-line treatment for uncomplicated falciparum malaria until 2016. Although SP has been the recommended treatment for falciparum and not vivax malaria, exposure of the P. vivax parasite population to SP might still have been quite extensive because of community based management of malaria. The change in the P. vivax antifolate resistance markers between 2007 and 2017 were investigated.MethodsDried blood spots were collected (n = 185) from confirmed P. vivax patients in five malaria-endemic areas of Afghanistan bordering Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Pakistan, including Takhar, Faryab, Laghman, Nangarhar, and Kunar, in 2007, 2010 and 2017. Semi-nested PCR, RFLP and nucleotide sequencing were used to assess the pyrimethamine resistant related mutations in P. vivax dihydrofolate reductase (pvdhfr I13L, P33L, N50I, F57L, S58R, T61I, S93H, S117N, I173L) and the sulfonamide resistance related mutations in P. vivax dihydropteroate synthase (pvdhps A383G, A553G).ResultsIn the 185 samples genotyped for pvdhfr and pvdhps mutations, 11 distinct haplotypes were observed, which evolved over time. In 2007, wild type pvdhfr and pvdhps were the most frequent haplotype in all study sites (81%, 80/99). However, in 2017, the frequency of the wild-type was reduced to 36%, (21/58; p value ≤ 0.001), with an increase in frequency of the double mutant pvdhfr and pvdhps haplotype S58RS117N (21%, 12/58), and the single pvdhfr mutant haplotype S117N (14%, 8/58). Triple and quadruple mutations were not found. In addition, pvdhfr mutations at position N50I (7%, 13/185) and the novel mutation S93H (6%, 11/185) were observed. Based on in silico protein modelling and molecular docking, the pvdhfr N50I mutation is expected to affect only moderately pyrimethamine binding, whereas the S93H mutation does not.ConclusionsIn the course of ten years, there has been a strong increase in the frequency pyrimethamine resistance related mutations in pvdhfr in the P. vivax population in Afghanistan, although triple and quadruple mutations conferring high grade resistance were not observed. This suggests relatively low drug pressure from SP on the P. vivax parasite population in the study areas. The impact of two newly identified mutations in the pvdhfr gene on pyrimethamine resistance needs further investigation.

Geopolitics of landlocked states in South Asia: a comparative analysis of Afghanistan and Nepal

ABSTRACT Foreign policies of landlocked states have been a topic of interest for scholarship on international relations but the landlocked states in South Asia have received negligible attention. Due to their geographical realities, South Asian landlocked states that include Afghanistan, Bhutan and Nepal, depend on their neighbours for trade with the outside world. A range of factors place landlocked states in an unequal relationship with their coastal neighbours. While these factors include the superiority of coastal neighbours in terms of economy, population size, and military strength, we argue that their landlockedness plays a crucial role. To further investigate the role of landlockedness, this study compares the foreign policy decisions that guide India-Nepal and Afghanistan–Pakistan relations. Based on the assessment of historical, economic and geopolitical factors, we argue that India and Pakistan exploit their landlocked neighbours to achieve their national interests. Frustrated by the treatment of their coastal neighbours and the presence of new trade opportunities have compelled Afghanistan to use its closeness with India to counter over-dependence on Pakistan and Nepal has enhanced cooperation with China to overcome its reliance on India, thereby creating a new geopolitical dynamic within South Asia.

Pashtun Jirga and prospects of peace and conflict resolution in Pakistan’s ‘tribal’ frontier

ABSTRACTThere is growing recognition and appreciation of traditional approaches towards peace and conflict resolution across the world. This article aims to highlight the crucial role and consequential importance of traditional mechanisms of peace and conflict resolution in Pakistan’s terror-hit Pashtun ‘tribal’ areas, formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA). These ‘peripheral’ areas of Pashtun tribes stand in relative isolation from the ‘centre’ of the Pakistani ruling establishment. Moreover, with the onset of militancy since 2001 in the Afghanistan–Pakistan region, the situation has turned worse for the local Pashtun tribes. The article discusses the changing role of traditional mechanisms and local structures of peace and conflict resolution, arguing that colonial legacies have failed to prevent, manage, resolve or transform conflicts in post-colonial states such as Pakistan. Furthermore, the Pashtun cultural code of Pashtunwali, along with its various tenets and structures, especially Jirga (Pashtun tribal council) and Lashkar (tribal militia), is also discussed in the article. The article concludes that the changing socio-political situation, along with the rise of the secular Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), is presenting a challenge to ‘tribal’ Pashtun patriarchal values as well as traditional structures like Jirga in the region.

Seismicity and seismic hazard parameters in and around Pakistan

Pakistan holds a key position within the Indian–Eurasian collision zone and is a highly earthquake-prone country of South Asia. Besides the devastating earthquakes of Quetta 1935, Makran 1945 and Pattan 1974, the earthquakes that happened in Bhuj 2001, Kashmir 2005 and Hindu Kush 2015 are three typical examples of the new millennium. In this study, the earthquake probability and the return period for magnitude recurrence hazard have been analysed using a magnitude homogenous earthquake catalogue. In Gumbel’s theory of extreme values, the Gumbel III distribution has a vital role to play as far as seismic hazard analysis of any regional seismicity is concerned. The Gumbel III distribution is used here to estimate the upper bound magnitude (ω value) and other earthquake hazard parameters in and around Pakistan. This method is applied to the whole of Pakistan (23° N–39° N; 59° E–80° E) and shallow (0–70 km) and intermediate (70–300 km) depth earthquakes in the Hindu Kush region across the Afghanistan–Pakistan border over the period 1930–2007. From the entire Pakistan dataset, the ω value is estimated as 8.12 (± 0.59). Furthermore, intermediate earthquakes in Hindu Kush have a ω value of 8.15 (± 0.56) compared with 7.08 (± 0.92) for the shallow earthquakes in the Hindu Kush. From probabilistic analysis of a spatial matrix of cells, results of earthquake expected magnitude parameters are then calculated, mapped, contoured and discussed in the context of recognized seismotectonic zones (Hindu Kush, Karakorum–Himalaya, Chaman fault system and Makran–Kutch) which characterize the seismicity of Pakistan and the surrounding region (Afghanistan, Tajikistan and India).

Afghanistan–Pakistan Relation and Its Implication on Regional Geopolitics

The research aimed to investigate the relationship between Pakistan and Afghanistan after the 9/11 incident. The present study is making a serious effort to identify the root causes of this apprehensive movement of bilateralism. The research also aims at developing a strategic position for Pakistan in the current state of affairs. The political aspects and external environment for both countries are discussed in the research. In addition, the research is also looking forward to analyzing the impact of other regional actors including Iran, China, Russia, India and Central Asian nations on Pakistan and Afghanistan relationship. Moreover, the important question of the thesis is if the relationship between Pakistan and Afghanistan will maintain a stable and healthy relationship in near future. The research is more analytical as it involves the historical perspectives, literature review, main challenges and the involvement of different international players in this bilateral relation. The researcher collects secondary data to conduct this research. The secondary sources include for the research are the journals, articles, websites, reports, websites and scholarly publications. The existence of Afghanistan in a geo-strategic location attracted the foreign countries and they intervened and influenced during several periods. In addition, the economic dependence of the country also made it easier for foreign countries to intervene in different matters of Afghanistan. For establishing a peaceful and friendly relationship between the two countries, it is crucial for the important players to get involved to show their honest interest. However, the foreign players are not successful in doing so which resulted in volatility and disorder in the whole region. The actions from Pakistan jeopardized the relationship with Afghanistan and it can be concluded that there is a long way to maintain healthy and stable relationship with each other.

Investigating the West Eurasian ancestry of Pakistani Hazaras

The Hazaras are a distinct ethnic group from central Afghanistan and northwestern Pakistan of Mongoloid descent. Here, we sought to dissect the genetic admixture history of the Pakistani Hazaras and investigated their likely affiliation to ancient and extant West Eurasian populations. Our results indicated that the likely proportion of West Eurasian ancestry was low in the Hazaras and could be attributed putatively to a combination of Steppe populations from Early/Middle Bronze Age or Middle/Late Bronze Age and the Neolithic Iranians. Our results expand upon the current understanding and provide an improved resolution into the population history of the Pakistani Hazaras.

Pakistan’s “Tribal” Pashtuns, Their “Violent” Representation, and the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement

The tribal Pashtuns of Pakistan, based in the Afghanistan–Pakistan border region, have historically been portrayed as “violent” and “warrior-like,” both in the colonial and contemporary literature. However, a brief review of archival literature suggests that oriental representation of tribal Pashtuns is based on various generalizations that were formed and propagated during the British military expeditions against the tribal Pashtuns. Moreover, these generalizations and stereotypes against the tribal Pashtuns have persisted since Pakistan’s independence in 1947. Recent developments in Pakistan’s Pashtun tribal belt, with various tribes convening Jirga meetings, condemning and countering militant activities and protesting against the state’s injustices explain the importance and desire for peace among the tribal Pashtuns. Finally, a brief analysis of the recently started Pashtun Tahafuz (protection) movement (PTM), an indigenous peace and human rights movement involving both men and women, and its nonviolent nature also reinforces the importance of peace for the tribal Pashtuns.

Pakistan’s Border Policies and Security Dynamics along the Pakistan–Afghanistan Border

ABSTRACTAfter the US-backed international military alliance toppled the Taliban in Afghanistan in 2001, most Afghan militants took shelter in neighboring Pakistan, blending into Pakistan’s tribal groups. Even though Pakistan took a variety of measures to control its border, the Pakistan–Afghanistan border has become a safe haven for Afghan and Pakistani militant groups. Despite mounting militancy along the border, especially after the fall of the Taliban, the Pakistani government opted for a defensive border strategy and started erecting a border fence. Left with few options, in 2017, the Pakistani government switched to an offensive border strategy by giving a shoot-to-kill order against anyone who illegally crosses the border. This article examines the rationale behind Pakistan’s different border strategies by analyzing the security dynamics along the Pakistan–Afghanistan border.

Performing the Afghanistan–Pakistan Border Through Refugee ID Cards

ABSTRACTThis paper explores the relationship between surveillance, refugee ID cards, population control, and the making of the Afghanistan-Pakistan border in the 2000s and 2010s. The paper uncovers how, in the security-dominated Pakistani state, during the Soviet-Afghan War it was politically expedient to host a large Afghan refugee population in the country and make use of a flexible Afghanistan-Pakistan border, but in the “Global War on Terror” this no longer applies. As geopolitical circumstances change, this paper explores how ID cards for Afghan refugees are tools of surveillance that facilitate refuge and the legal/documentary, social, and physical exclusion of the non-citizen refugee. These forms of exclusion allow the Pakistani state to “perform” the Afghanistan-Pakistan border into effect. The border is not simply located at the territorial frontier but is in process and comes into being through the control over the mobility of citizen and non-citizen populations and forms of social exclusion that are enacted through surveillance and documentation.

Obama and Afghanistan: a constructivist approach to shifting policy narrative and practices

This article adopts a constructivist approach to explain how and why the Obama administration shifted its policy narrative and practices towards Afghanistan from 2011 onwards. It recognizes that the ‘Global War on Terror’ narrative helped pave the way for a set of institutionalized militarized practices and collectively held beliefs that have structured the post-9/11 world. At the same time, the article argues that the Obama administration’s ‘selling’ of its Afghan policy provided the space for an evolving approach. This policy narrative involved the ‘existential threat’ of transnational militant actors operating out of an Afghanistan–Pakistan ungoverned space being downgraded to a ‘containable’ one. Three key factors prompted this change: the administration’s discursive decoupling of the Taliban and al-Qaeda; the changing perception that the threat posed by ‘al-Qaeda and its affiliates’ was a decentralized one; and the United States’ changed conception of Afghanistan as a ‘safe haven’ for transnational terrorists.