Advanced Industrial Nations Research Articles

The Political Economy of Cocaine Production

The rapid increase in cocaine production in recent years has been well publicized, as have the problems and attempted solutions that this increase poses for both drug-exporting countries and consuming societies. The three cocaine source countries-Bolivia, Peru, and Colombia-produce at least 250,000 hectares of coca leaf annually.' Evolution of the underground cocaine entrepreneurship in the countryside puts pressure on traditional local economies. Impoverished peasants and Indians and well-off middle-class persons participate in an internationally controlled narcotics industry. The penetration of illegal narcotic organizations into a Third World nation is ultimately a phenomenon which has its origin in the demand for drugs by advanced industrial nations. The cocaine supply-demand framework creates new channels of economic dependency on coca-dollars and political pressure from the United States. Coca has long been part of the Andean economy, and the Peruvian Indian has historically been tied to the production of the coca plant and the consumption of the leaves. As early as 1800 B.C., the inhabitants of the Peruvian Pacific coast were chewing coca produced in the rain forests of the Andes (Lanning, 1967: 77). Traditional agricultural exchange was based on patterns of reciprocity that developed between populations dependent upon subsistence agriculture (Burchard, 1974). The remarkable importance of coca was emphasized and exploited during the Spanish colonial period. The Spanish colonists promoted the cultural use (chewing) and stimulant effects of coca leaves in Potosi and other mining regions in the Andes (Cieza de Leon, 1959: 259). In modem times, to satisfy and protect the needs of the coca-chewing Indian, the Peruvian government institutionalized the production of coca into

New Social Movements in Historical Perspective

As the great upsurge of collective action that punctuated the political life of the advanced industrial nations in the late 1960s and early 1970s began to subside, a paradigm in the social movement literature emerged. Explaining the rise and nature of these and later movements as the product of the structural conditions of society, the social movement theorists argue that contemporary movements represent fundamentally forms of collective action, with goals, values, and constituents.' This paper takes issue with these claims of historical uniqueness in social movements by analyzing three cases: the Chartist movement in nineteenth-century England, the Oneida community of antebellum United States, and the West German peace movements in the post-World War II period. We will not argue that the values held by the new social movements are identical to those of the Chartists, Oneida community, and West German peace movements of the 1950s, 1970s, and 1980s, but instead that many of the supposedly characteristics can be found in past movements in a variety of historical epochs and geographical settings. We argue that social movement theorists fail to consider how-or indeed whether--new social movements differ from old ones and that their structural model of explanation is an insufficient framework for the analysis of social movements generally. If a particular, historically specific set of institutional arrangements like postindustrial society or the welfare state is responsible for generating social movements, then why do we find such new characteristics in old movements? If our particular cases as well as those of social movements are products of their particular historical circumstances, then what need is there to understand the dynamics and development of social movements as a category? Examination of the political context, in addition to the structural context, in which these movements develop is necessary to adequately explain the incidence and characteristics of social movements. When such factors are taken into account, it is not surprising that social movements in different eras and under different socioeconomic structures share similar

Welfare Rights in the Liberal Tradition

It was hardly surprising that John Rawls' argument that a liberal political theory had to include a commitment to welfare rights was quickly countered by Robert Nozick's contention that welfare rights were incompatible with liberalism's devotion to freedom and private property. This controversy over the relationship between state funded welfare and liberty, especially the liberty to acquire property, has been and is still part of the politics of all advanced industrial nations, including America. As a matter of political fact, however, the welfare interpretation of liberalism has been triumphant. Government programs to alleviate suffering, to increase economic opportunities available to the poor, and to redistribute wealth go hand in hand with representation and civil liberties in virtually all of the advanced industrial nations of the West. That this has occurred, I want to argue here, is entirely consistent with the mainstream of the liberal tradition and ought to be presented that way to students.The distinction between classical or libertarian liberalism and welfare or the new liberalism emerged at the end of the nineteenth century in England. From the start this distinction was politically charged, meant to imply that the welfare measures enacted particularly during the second Gladstone administration represented a treasonous repudiation of the liberal tradition. Herbert Spencer's The Man Versus the State (1884), little read now but enormously influential then, was most important to spreading this view.

Nutrition and health: Patterns and policy perspectives in food-rich countries

Nutrition and health are becoming legitimate policy issues in food-rich countries. Dietary patterns contribute to a large share of the dominant chronic disease profile in advanced industrial nations, burdening the public purse. Major issues facing governments concern decisions about the appropriate goals, scope, and instruments for effective policy, and the apparatus to promote it. Norway, using a long term, explicit and comprehensive public policy, and the U.S., using a market-oriented strategy, illustrate contrasting policy approaches to the issues. The experience of both have implications for current policy-making in other countries and for the kind of research needed to support it.

Guaranteed Employment in an Indian State: The Maharashtra Experience

The expense and administration of entitlement programs usually are considered too burdensome for Third World countries, and these programs generally are associated with the welfare states of advanced industrial nations. This article discusses an entitlement program in the state of Maharashtra in India-the Employment Guarantee Scheme (EGS)-which entitles any rural resident of the state to a job and fulfills this guarantee by creating a system of public works designed to promote rural development. Implementation of such an ambitious program in a state whose population is slightly larger than that of West Germany, and whose area approximates West and East Germany combined, presents many problems. Public works must be planned and implemented so that jobs can be provided to a dispersed constituency. Implementation must be made responsive to fluctuations in the demand for employment, which are sizable and occur over time and across space. In addition, measures must be designed to keep corruption in check. In spite of the problems, making employment an entitlement generates some unexpected benefits. Examining the impact that the program has on the behavior of individuals is essential to understanding how the EGS produces these benefits. By guaranteeing jobs to the unemployed, the EGS creates an incentive that shapes behavior. It politicizes the rural poor by inciting them to demand employment from the state. Politicians and gov-

From Fordism to Flexible Accumulation: Technology, Competitive Strategies, and International Location

Aspects of the transition from Fordism to what has been labeled a regime of flexible accumulation are analyzed. First the nature of the current crisis of Fordism is considered, with special emphasis on two elements of this crisis. The first has to do with the internationalization of Fordist production techniques without the corresponding elaboration of characteristically Fordist consumption patterns in the countries involved. The second has to do with the forms of competition that have arisen in conjunction with the Fordist regime of accumulation in the core countries. Both of these factors, it is argued, have played a significant role in the current predicament facing many advanced industrial nations. The shift to a regime of flexible accumulation is then considered with particular attention paid to the rise of new technologies and new ways of organizing production. These factors are related to changing competitive strategies and the spatial organization of production on an international scale.

Teenage fertility and infant mortality: Reply

Geronimus and Korenman challenge the finding that teenage fertility raises infant mortality yet they fail to present the cross-national data necessary to support their arguments. The figures they present differ vastly from the sample and type of data used by Pampel and Pillai yet are in some ways consistent with the conclusion. Pampel and Pillai attempted to test the applicability of broad demographic transition theories of mortality change to advanced industrial nations over recent decades and also evaluated alternative hypotheses claiming that distributional processes and government policies had replaced economic and demographic development as the primary source of the decline in infant mortality. A broad and diverse sample of 18 nations over a 25-year time period was used. Geronimus and Korenman falsely attribute to Pampel and Pillais paper claims that welfare spending fails totally to influence infant mortality and teenage fertility has stronger effects on infant mortality than on welfare spending. No such statements were made. In the results section it was noted that both welfare spending and teenage fertility have modest effects on infant mortality the former primarily on postneonatal mortality and the latter on neonatal mortality. Further it was suggested that income distribution and government policy do not replace or dominate standard economic and demographic variables as determinants of infant mortality among the study sample. Pampel and Pillai suggested that these economic and demographic variables including teenage fertility among others may be useful in lowering infant mortality. When Geronimus and Korenman accurately present the findings of Pampel and Pillai i.e. that teenage fertility influences patterns of infant mortality across the nations and time points in the sample the criticisms they make are vague and unsubstantiated. The evidence they present - cross sectional analysis of individual-level data for 3 status in the US -- also is insufficient to invalidate the aggregate cross-national and longitudinal analysis presented.

Corporatist Strategies and the Transition to Democracy in Spain

At a time when political scientists have come to accept that there is no realistic possibility of a general theory of the capitalist state or, especially, its historical forms, they are still reaching for general statements about contemporary corporatist structures and institutions. In their majority these statements are clearly descriptive rather than theoretical and are derived from studies of the advanced industrial nations of western Europe and North America, but this does not prevent them being applied, by induction, to other polities such as those of southern Europe. This procedure belongs to a broadly Weberian methodological paradigm, which sanctions the construction of a corporatist ideal-type to be used in the comparative investigation of different national realities where the various synthetic elements of the type will be found to be more or less present and occasionally absent. ' While such approach may yield interesting descriptions, it runs the danger of subsuming different cases to the type in uncritical fashion, without trying to explain the differences. This is a real weakness in a world where different corporatisms are likely to be highly specific, depending on national political culture, the form of state, and the disposition of social forces in particular conjunctures. There is therefore still a need for theory, as long as it is recognized that this will seek to explain not corporatism writ large, but distinct corporatisms and their location in specific political contexts. There is broad agreement that all corporatisms must be located in the field of relations between the capitalist state and civil society and that to talk of corporatism is to talk of the relationships between state and civil society. Descriptively, corporatist arrangements can be seen as blurring the division between the two,2 but theoretically they are better understood as contributing to construct it.3 This supposes a complex approach to the state itself, which is understood not as the instrument of the ruling class, nor as a political arena equally accessible to all class (and nonclass) forces, nor as a unified subject in its own right which floats freely above civil society, but rather as an institutional ensemble of forms of representation, internal organization, and intervention.4 By this definition, corporatism is clearly not coterminous either with the state itself or with the political system (and still less is it a socioeconomic system distinct from both capitalism and socialism). More modestly, it is just one of the representational forms available to the capitalist state and has emerged historically in connection with different state forms. The key question then concerns the extent to which any one corporatism can be explained by its strategic location in the institutional ensemble of its particular state form. In this perspective, corporatism belongs to the field of mediations which are contained politically in the institutions of the state and which act upon the disposition of social forces and the class (and other) practices of civil society.5 More particularly, corporatism

The Reconstruction of Patriotism: Education for Civic Consciousness.

meticulous, well-tuned examination of what says is the decline of civic thought in America, and what might be done to restore . . . patriotism proposes to reconstruct is not the sort of narrow nationalism your political science professor may have warned you about patriotism as 'the last refuge of a scoundrel.' It is instead a patriotism that intelligently appreciates life in a (however imperfect) democratic land. Robert Marquand, The Christian Science Monitor In The Reconstruction of Patriotism, . . . places a national-service program on the national agenda. . . . Like William James, envisions government enrolling young people to work for a year or two at subsistence pay, doing jobs that benefit society working with, say, 'conservation, health, or old-age problems.' He believes that we need a service program because since the end of the Second World War our citizens (and, indeed, citizens of almost all the advanced industrial nations) have become more keenly aware of their rights than of their obligations, and generations are growing up with little or no understanding that they are members of a national community and have responsibilities to it that they must give as well as take. . . . Because it reopens discussion of our wider obligations and how to fulfill them, Mr. Janowitz's thoughtful book is in itself a national service. Naomi Bliven, The New Yorker Morris examines an issue that seldom is subject to social and political analysis patriotism. His thesis is clear: long-term trend in politics has been to enhance citizen rights without effective articulation of citizen obligations. A meaningful balance between the two, he contends, must be restored. . . . strength of this study lies in Janowitz's persuasive argument that the durability and vitality of democratic institutions require that a sense of community, or shared values, be preserved. Without civiz consciousness, he rightly observes, social and political fragmentation ensues. . . . A lucid and impressively researched polemic. W. Wesley McDonald, American Political Science Review Janowitz addresses a seminal issue: how to restore the sense of shared civic responsibility that has fallen victim in recent years to our growing preoccupation with individual rights and the rise of special-interest groups. . . . Central to his prescription is the revival of the concept of the citizen soldier, whose importance since pre-Revolutionary War days Janoqitz discusses at length. He concludes, 'There can be no reconstruction of patriotism without a system of national service.' . . . An important book. I highly recommend it. Washington Monthly

Income and Jobs: USA, Diagnosing the Reality.

Boom, bust, boom...? The rapidity of change in America from the exuberant 1960s to the stagflation of the 1970s to the recovery of 1983-84 has been so startling as to confuse the American investor, planner, marketer, developer--and plain citizen. Are the incomes of Americans declining? Is the middle class--and most importantly, the mass middle market-disappearing? Has the United States' standard of living fallen behind other advanced industrial nations? Are we really becoming a nation of low-wage, fast-food attendants? Are America's minorities falling off the income train? What price poverty? Assertion and counter-assertion, claim and counter-claim, arrive faster than understanding. Whether investor or spender, pro-Administration or anti-, a better grasp of the answers is required--Where is America going in the 1980s? In these heavily documented works, the authors present an enormously comprehensive, up-to-date gathering-in of the data. In clear, concise layman's language, they provide an essential foundation for decision makers regardless of their sympathies.

Some problems in planning the office economy in a third world city: the example of Tunis

While the office economy has been studied extensively in the advanced industrial nation, it has been overlooked in the context of the developing country. Based on a case-study of Tunis it is shown how the growth of office activities in the central area has exacerbated the planning problems of the city's core. Planning policies designed to control the rate of office growth in the central area and encourage its suburban decentralization have been introduced. However, achievements to date on either of these two aims have been limited, reflecting political, administrative and fiscal problems which limit the effectiveness of planning in the city as a whole.

Environmental Politics and Policy in the 1980s: a changing challenge

Over the past two decades a roll-call of cities across the world have become synonymous with environmental disasters. Minamata (Japan), Flixborough (UK), Seveso (Italy), Cubatao (Brazil), Bhopal (India) were among the most dramatic in a litany of incidents which took a toll of life and health as catastrophe struck unsuspecting communities. More generally apprehension was growing across the world at the damage to ecosystems and the accumulating risks being imposed on future generations by contemporary systems of agriculture, industry and energy production. Environmental issues which had already achieved political prominence in many advanced industrial nations were, by the 1980s, commanding international attention. The papers in this volume illustrate the new dimension of politics that has emerged in response to the problem of environmental pollution. Environmental pollution varies in scale and impact and can be remediable or irreversible but all forms of pollution have three common features. First, pollution represents socially induced changes in natural processes that would not otherwise occur. Social action is the cause of environmental changes that are destructive. Conversely, there can be positive changes brought about by social intervention through reclamation, conservation and careful management of ecosystems.

Old Age and the Welfare State.

The modern welfare state is above all a welfare state for the elderly. An overwhelming proportion of its services and benefits go to them. The current crisis of the welfare state is also, therefore, a crisis of policy concerned with the aged. The essays in this volume examine not only interventions by governments on behalf of the old, but the very basis and history of the welfare state itself. From a variety of perspectives ranging from structural functionalism to neomarxism, they examine old age policy in six advanced industrial nations -- the United States, Canada, Great Britain, Italy, West Germany, and France. The essays in Part One deal with the process of making public policy on old age and changes in it during the current economic crisis. Contributions in the second part examine the impact of existing policies on older people. The focus of the essays on social, economic, and political aspects amounts to a new approach in gerontology that has been called by some the political economy of ageing. This book is unique in providing research on the relationship between old age policy and the larger class structure, economy, and state apparatus of more than one country. It will become a classic in the field, and an example of how sociology can be relevant to deal with our current social and economic crisis.' -- Manuel Castells, University of California at Berkeley

Slower Growth in the Western World.

Introduction : a summary view / by R.C.O. Matthews -- Productivity in the 1960s and 1970s / by Ann D. Morgan -- The relationship between pressure of demand and productivity / by G.D.N. Worswick -- Accelerating inflation and the growth of productivity / by A.J. Brown -- Capital accumulation and productivity growth / by J.R. Sargent -- World shocks, macroeconomic response, and the productivity puzzle / by Michael Bruno -- Government intervention as a factor in slower growth in advanced industrial nations /by Victoria Curzon Price -- How much of the slow-down was catch-up? / by Robin Marris -- The productivity slow-down / by Andrew Glyn.

Science and Technology in United States Foreign Trade

Economists generally believe that modern science-technology, such as the presence of scientists and engineers or research and development, is a central factor in the comparative advantage of advanced industrial nations. However, most discussion of this topic rests on cross-industry regressions, which (Leamer and Bowen, I981 ) do not provide a valid indication of factor abundance, so the overall role of science still remains to be established. In addition, much remains to be known about the role of different facets of science and innovation in the process of generating comparative advantage. There are two fundamentally different ways of understanding technological differences between countries. One point of view, adopted in the standard neoclassical theory of international trade, assumes all countries are on the same production function. Under these circumstances, relative factor abundance determines the factor services which a country exports or imports. Within this perspective, one can make progress towards an understanding of the role of science and technology in international trade by dividing science into many highly specific narrowly defined input factors. Calculations can then determine the relative abundance of those inputs associated with science-technology, versus other input factors, in a given country or the relative abundance of different elements within the broad area of overall science-technology. Quite another procedure assumes there are substantial differences in the production possibilities faced by different countries. For example, Krugman (I979) recently argued that advantages in innovation and lags in the diffusion of knowledge are the basic influences which permit incomes to be higher in the industrialised world than in developing nations. This view illustrates the potential economic significance of innovation in advanced countries, since the generation of new technologies in industrialised countries and their diffusion to the rest of the world then essentially determines world income distribution and world economic development. However, empirical implementation of the diffusion viewpoint requires data for many countries, which greatly limits the number of facets of technology which can be considered. Since the present paper is centrally concerned with the effect which a wide variety of technological elements has on international trade, we choose to select a framework within which the ample data available on different aspects of technology in the United States can be utilised. The first view of technological

Governance in Crisis and withering of the welfare state: the legacy of the policy sciences

The introductory essay to this special issue on Governance in Crisis has three objectives. Firstly, it tries to show that current dilemmas of governance in advanced industrial Western nations can be analysed within the common framework of the thesis of the withering of the modern welfare state. Secondly, it argues that the policy sciences have a legacy of problem-oriented and value-conscious scholarship, bestowed by Lasswell and others, which can and should be taken up in the analysis of the comprehensive problems of governance confronting advanced industrial nations. Thirdly, it considers the requirement that the policy sciences go significantly beyond a managerial perspective and take up the timely but challenging task of linking up problem-orientation to contextuality. Contributions to this issue are seen to constitute a promising step in this direction.

Social Well-Being and Social Assistance Expenditures in Georgia, 1950-1970

Southeastern Geographer Vol. 22, No. 2, November 1982, pp. 130-149 SOCIAL WELL-BEING AND SOCIAL ASSISTANCE EXPENDITURES IN GEORGIA, 1950-1970* John Offord and William H. Berentsen Studies of territorial social well-being and of "welfare geography" have mostly appeared over the last decade. (J ) The aim of such studies has been to describe spatial patterns of social welfare and to examine both the reasons for social inequalities and the effects of policies designed to ameliorate them. (2) The twofold purpose of this paper is to present a case study of the spatial and temporal variations in social wellbeing in the state of Georgia, and to try to assess the equity of state social assistance expenditures. A factor analysis of socioeconomic data for the 159 counties of Georgia for both 1950 and 1970 provides the measure of social well-being used in the study and forms the index of need with which social assistance expenditures will be compared. LITERATURE REVIEW. Research in social well-being and quality of life is relatively new. Although early works on the topic do exist, (3) the widespread growth of material on the subject has been confined to the last decade. The origins of what has been called the "Social Indicators Movement" lie in the need to facilitate the measurement of social progress in a manner complementary to existing economic monitors. (4) Early work concentrated on methodology and the definition of social indicators (5) and on problems of terminology and definition. (6) The latter differentiates between social well-being and quality of life. Social well-being can be measured by social indicators, which are the observable incidence of phenomena that reflect general conditions such as income levels or housing condition. Quality of life also includes intangible phenomena quantifiable only by the individual, such as job satisfaction , community participation, and cultural enhancement. * The authors gratefully acknowledge helpful criticism from Professors James S. Fisher and Howard A. Schretter and from the editor and anonymous reviewers . Partial financial support came from a research grant from the Association of American Geographers. Mr. Offord is a doctoral student in geography at Queen Mary College, University of London, in London, England El 4NS. Dr. Berentsen is Associate Professor of Geography at the University of Georgia in Athens, GA 30602. Vol. XXII, No. 2 131 The precursors of the development of territorial social indicators can be found in the work of Thompson et al. on the economic health of New York state, and in Lewis' study on levels of living in the Northeastern United States. (7) These studies relied heavily on economic variables. The full application of social indicators was not effected in geography until the publication of Smith's The Geography of Social Well-Reing in the United States in 1973. (S) Other studies at an interstate level followed , while comparable work was undertaken in France and in Britain at a county level. (9) Further work has been done at smaller areal scales. Intermetropolitan differences in the United States have been looked at by Liu and by Flax, and for the South by the Dakans. (JO) There are intraurban studies on Gainesville, Florida; Atlanta, Georgia; and London , England. (JJ) Few studies have focused on variations in social well-being by county in the U.S. (12) Recent research has moved beyond the straightforward description of social well-being and emphasized explanation of observed variations. (J3) This research focus is formulated in the question "Who gets what where, and how?," and has given rise to the idea of "welfare geography ." (J4) It is beyond the purview of this study to offer a detailed discussion ofthe necessity to provide social assistance benefits to the socioeconomically deprived, a topic that has been discussed elsewhere. (15) Suffice it to say that the governments of all of the advanced industrial nations have recognized the necessity of some measure of public welfare. The fact that the distribution of social assistance expenditures shows distinct spatial variations at the state and metropolitan levels has received attention from geographers, though few studies have been undertaken for county-sized units. (16) Research has also considered the determinants of social assistance spending by focusing on political decision making. Several studies by...

Review essay

So far in modern world history, social revolutions, though they have entailed elements of class conflict, have plainly not conformed to Marx's theoretical expectations or moral vision. They have occurred in agrarian countries caught behind foreign competitors, not in the most advanced capitalist industrial nations. And even those revolutions that have expropriated domestic capitalist classes in the name of socialist ideals have hardly resulted to date in the prosperous, democratic communist societies envisaged by Marx. (Skocpol, p. 292)

The Canadian Cabinet in Comparative Perspective

Le Cabinet canadien dans une perspective comparativeL'analyse comparative du profil de carrière des membres du cabinet canadien jette un éclairage à la fois sur les forces systèmiqiies affectant la politique canadienne et sur la nature des changements majeurs à l'oeuvre dans tons les pays industrialisés. Cette étude des changements dans la carrière des membres des cabinets au Canada, en France, en Grande-Bretagne et aux Etats-Unis a pour but de préciser si des changements similaires se produisent dans les nations industrialisées afin de répondre aux besoins de ces sociétés à technologie avancée. Les carrières des membres des cabinets sont étudiées en fonction des dimensions de la spécialisation, de la nationalisation et de la bureaucratisation. Ces données sur la carrière ont été codées pour chaque pays sur une période de cent onset elles ont été analysées enfonction de cinq périodes de développement. A quelques exceptions près, les principales hypothèses sur la croissance de la spécialisation, la nationalisation et la bureaucratisation ont été confirmés dans chaque pays. Les changements les plus import ants an Canada se sont produits dans le domaine de la nationalisation et les moins importants dans celui de la bureaucratisation. Même si les niveaux atteints sur certaines composantes spécifiques des dimensions étudiées sont encore plus faibles que dans les trois autres pays considérés ici, le Canada se caractérise par des changements paniculièrement rapides aux cours des dernières années.

The internationalization of Japanese management

As scholars and business leaders the world over have come to realize that Japanese products equal or surpass in both quality and price the best that other advanced industrial nations have to offer, they have naturally begun to pay more attention to Japanese‐style management. The developing nations have an obvious interest in emulating Japan's remarkable economic growth; and even the advanced nations of North America and Europe, which once hosted Japanese missions seeking to understand their technology and management techniques, are now sending their own missions to Japan. As Japan has emerged as world leader in industrial development, teacher and pupil have switched roles.