In this essay, Il discuss three different ways of thinking the relationship between a state of exception and the rule of law.I begin with Bruce Ackerman who in “The Emergency Constitution” tried to demarcate an unmistakable threshold between the normal functioning of a constitutional democracy and its exceptional suspension. After having separated these two realms, Ackerman concerns himself with determining the actor who should have the authority to switch from normality to exceptionality (and vice versa). From this perspective he argues for the necessity of a statutory reform that would unmistakably preserve the legislature authority over the exception threshold, and therefore prevent the executive from turning a transitional emergency regime into a permanent police state. However imperative or praiseworthy such an attempt may be, I argue that Ackerman’s legalist framework fails to notice that the exception is not something that — sometimes and somewhere, in a local and transitory context — needs to be enforced in order to deal with national emergencies. Following Adrian Vermeule, my first critical intervention consists in showing that any defense of classic legalism overlooks the inevitable existence, within a system of rights, of legal black and grey holes that always allow for negotiations with the rule of law. Against Vermeule, I claim that these loopholes are not created by the judicial discretion inscribed in administrative law, but provoked by the naked formality of laws, i.e., by the very form of law. Inspired by Jacques Derrida’s description of the textual structure of our relation to law and Agamben’s identifying the state of exception as the paradigm of government, I argue that spectacular exceptions granted to the executive when emergencies transpire should not distract us from the micro-exceptions that are produced every time the meaning of a certain law is decided upon. In other words, the executive’s reactions to national crises should not prevent us from acknowledging that, for certain segments of the population, freedom is normally, and strategically, negated. After highlighting the structural affinities between Derrida and Agamben’s topologies of the exception, I explain why, according to Agamben, deconstruction’s eternal and tactical negotiation with a law recognized to always be in force without any fixed meaning is insufficient. In order to improve our position in the struggle against an emergency that has always been the rule, the task before us is the creation of truly extra-juridical spaces that might function as real exceptions to sovereign power.
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