Federal Adoption Research Articles

Who claims the federal adoption tax credit? Those who know about it

AbstractThis research investigates which individuals are aware of and claim the federal adoption tax credit. Using a probit model, I find that the probability that one claims the credit increases with one's income and is lower for Black adoptive parents compared to White ones. These discrepancies in usage stem from different probabilities of knowing about the credit. However, conditional on awareness, I find that the probability of claiming the credit is no different among members of differing income or racial groups, implying that a direct way to increase take‐up of the tax credit could simply be increasing awareness of it.

MINORITY PROBLEMS AND ETHNIC POLITICS IN NIGERIA: A NEXUS FOR NATIONAL INTEGRATION 1960 - 2015.

Nigeria’s journey towards national integration has been intricately entwined with its handling of minority issues and ethnic politics. This paper delves into the historical trajectory of Nigeria from its independence in 1960-2015, focusing on the complex interplay between minority grievances, ethnic politics, and the quest for national cohesion. The analysis encompasses key events, policies, and socio-political dynamics that have shaped Nigeria’s landscape during this period. The challenges faced by minority groups in various regions, such as the issues of marginalization, discrimination, and socio-economic disparities were captured in the paper. The paper also highlights instances of resilience, dialogue, and policy initiatives aimed at addressing minority grievances and fostering inclusivity. The paper observed that the politics of winner takes all syndrome simulated an attitude of hate and plunder that got to a radical level during and after the first republic in that the seed of ethnicity and minority problem germinated against a meaningful cohesion of the various ethnic groups and territorial sub-division of the country. Although the adoption of Federalism was meant to accommodate the minority groups, several unsuccessful attempts were made to harness political integration for the country. The paper came up with recommendations on steps to be taken at ensuring national integration.

Socio-cultural Challenges on Federal Structure Nepal

Socio cultural change is a dynamic concept and change on different time periods. These variables are change and main determinants of political and economic change. The cultural, ethnic and economic diversity across the country is very hard to have homogeneity within such heterogeneous characteristics. Therefore, new minorities are likely to be created within the subunits. Such units and subunits among various socio-cultural and ethnic groups may create instability. The disagreement on the geographical division of the states has already created instability in the Terai region. Why is socially and culturally diverse Asia still overwhelmingly unfederal ? The issue seeks to answer the question by identifying the factors responsible for the adoption of federalism in some countries as well as its rejection in others, with particular reference to existing research and the practices of federalism in India, Pakistan and Malaysia.1 The central argument is that the federal discourse in Asia is to be conjoined to democracy discourse in order to assess the democratic effect of federalism, which is an important key to federal success. On the basis of a conceptual distinction between diversity- claims and equality-claims, it is emphasized that federalism in Asia needs to strike a balance between its concern for management of diversity and for the production of some equity in the social-cultural and economic realms.

Enhancing federal inter-governmental relations and state building in Somalia

Federalism is regarded as the ideal strategy for Somalia in forming a power-sharing agreement among Somali clans and a workable solution to the national unity, peace and security. Despite the adoption of federalism in Somalia, the reality on the ground is different as Somalia has continued to be in a state of political quandary. Available literature says little about the Inter-Governmental Relations (IGR) and civic state building as a possible cause of political quandary. This study explores Somalia’s Federal-state Inter-Governmental Relations and civic state building. It seeks to answer the question, how and to what extent have the intergovernmental relations between the federal government and federal member states affect civic state building in Somalia? Utilizing a qualitative approach specifically, synthesis of literature, in-depth interviews and guided questionnaire, the study suggests that despite the existence of a federal structure, intergovernmental relations between the federal government and the member states have been characterized by tensions and conflicts; the federal and state apparatuses lack appropriate provisions in the constitution and that the minimal federal-state IGR laws that are now in place are not honored and applied by both levels of the federal government. This study also suggests that there is no effective, agreed-upon model of IGRs and power sharing in Somalia between the federal government and member states, thus constraining any kind of progression in the federal institutions. This study also shows how dangerous it is to neglect indigenous approaches of state building that take into account Somali culture, religion, and customs. The findings of this study contributes to the scholarly discourse on civic state-building, federalism, and IGRs in post-conflict settings. This study recommends a review of the federal-state intergovernmental relations laws paying attention to cultural and religious significance, to strengthen federal-state IGRs.

Federalism and Inter-Ethnic Relations: Identity, Socio-Economic Affairs and their Dynamics in Western Ethiopia

This study aims to examine the relationship between Gumuz and Oromo along the border administrative area. The study employed qualitative descriptive research to meet the stated objective of the study. Purposive sampling techniques were used to gather information. To attain the study objective, interviews, observation, and focus group discussions were used as primary data. Primary data were gathered from different informants in both the Oromo and Gumuz communities. A total number of 48 informants participated in the study. The study showed that pre-1991 and post-1991, the relations between the Gumuz and Oromo communities in the study area have been shaped by the intertwined political and economic contexts. The political context implies how federalism was perceived and implemented and the role of the central government. Following the reorganization of territories during the adoption of Federalism in 1991. The study's findings revealed that the federalism way of conflict resolution mechanism is still used as a major way of resolving conflict in the study area.

Federal Direction + Local Implementation as a Strategy for Improving Infant Health: The Founding and Evolution of the Infant Welfare Society of Evanston.

While the role of the US federal government in improving Maternal and Child Health (MCH) is often seen as a history of opportunities and tensions between the federal bureaucracy and state implementation, less is known about how federal governmental policies to improve MCH have been implemented at the local level, and the nature of the dynamic between local implementation and federal adoption of locally generated strategies. By describing the emergence of the Infant Welfare Society of Evanston in the first part of the 20th century and describing its evolution until 1971, we showcase the forces that shaped the emergence of an MCH institution at the local level in the early part of the history of MCH in the US. This article highlights the interaction of a progressive maternalistic frame and the growth of local public health infrastructure as fundamental to the basis of action to address infant health during this period. However, this history also highlights the complex relationship of institutions dominated by White women and their relationship to the populations served in the development of the field of MCH and elucidates the need for more explicit attention to understanding the role of Black social institutions in the development of the field of MCH.

Measuring and Explainingde factoRegional Policy Autonomy Variation in a Constitutionally Symmetrical Federation: The Case of Ethiopia, 1995–2020

AbstractThis article measures regional policy autonomy and explains the factors that drive autonomy variation in land policy from 1995 to 2020, taking Ethiopia, the late twentieth-century adoption of federalism and a federation of very diverse regions, as a case. By comparing three regions, Benishangul-Gumuz, Oromia, and Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples, the article shows that de facto regional policy autonomy varies, although the regions are constitutionally symmetrical. Why do some regions have less de facto autonomy than others? Contrary to conventional expectations, party noncongruence appears less important in explaining the regional autonomy variation. Regional capacity, national integration goals and development objectives appear to have played a major role in generating de facto regional policy autonomy variation without a constitutional amendment. Regions lacking capacity and peripheral regions tend to face more centralization than others. Insights from Ethiopia imply that states embracing federalism should consider regional inequality in development and capacity in designing a federal constitution.

The Politics of Ethnonational Accommodation Under a Dominant Party Regime: Ethiopia’s Three Decades’ Experience

Ethiopia is the most prominent example of the late 20th-century adoption of federalism to accommodate diversity and complete state-building. This article explores the implementation of federalism and accommodation of ethnonational diversity in dominant party regimes by using Ethiopia as a case. Drawing on legal documents, literature, news sources and government reports, the article argues that federalism enabled distinctive groups to promote their culture, use their languages and exercise self-rule in their territory. However, ethnonationalities’ constitutionally proclaimed self-determination rights and the practice rarely correspond. Although all ethnonationalities have the same constitutional rights, some are still subjugated, and self-rule remains their dream. The dominant party regime in Ethiopia met demands for self-rule and accommodation with suppression and violence. The constitution grants regions to use their legislative powers to accommodate region-specific demands; nevertheless, regions cannot operate out of the narrow framework of the federal ruling party. Thus, regions became repressive agents of the centre rather than genuine self-rule agents. Insights from Ethiopia have broader implications for states embracing federalism.

The Indigeneity Clause and the Mismanagement of Ethnic Diversity in Nigeria

Abstract: Purpose: Nigeria is characterized by ethnic diversity and the quest to achieve ‘unity in diversity’ led to its adoption of federalism as the basic structure and principle of governance. Over six decades after independence, the country remains sharply divided along ethnic lines, and national unity remains a mirage. While there is a burgeoning body of research on the causes, manifestations, and consequences of ethnic diversity mismanagement in Nigeria, few attempts have been made to analytically study the effects of constitutional provisions on the phenomenon. The study, thus, examined the effects of the indigeneity clause in the Nigerian constitution on ethnic diversity management in the country. Research methodology: The study is based on a review of secondary data on Nigeria’s constitutional provisions and institutional processes. Results: It identified that the indigeneity clause in the country’s constitutions has created different notions of citizenship and further exacerbated differences between ethnic groups in the country. The clause established two classes of Nigerians, indigenes, and settlers, and the ensuing ‘us against them’ culture lies at the root of ethnic tensions witnessed in the country. Limitations: Other issues, apart from the indigeneity clause, may also lead to the mismanagement of ethnic diversity in the country. Contribution: The findings and recommendations of the study provide a veritable template to help ensure good ethnic diversity management in Nigeria and other multi-ethnic states. Keywords: 1. citizenship 2. ethnicity 3. indigenes 4. indigeneity clause 5. settlers

Brief Synopses of New Arabic-Language Publications

Brief Synopses of New Arabic-Language Publications

Agitations for Regime Change and Political Restructuring: Implications on National Integration and Development in Nigeria

The formation of organizations at global, regional and sub-regional levels among nation-states, especially after the World War II in 1945 was to nip n the bud situation that could escalate into war and promote global peace. It was also to promote political, economic and socio-cultural unity and welfare among member states. It was on this premise that the United Nations (UN), organizations of Africa Union (OAU) now AU, Arab League, European Union (EU), etc were formed to promote unity among nation states. The main thrust of this paper was to analyze the implications of agitation by various ethnic groups on national integration and development in Africa. The paper also x-rays the nexus between leadership failure and development in Nigeria. The study was anchore0d on the structural functionalism theory to address agitations and conflict among ethnic groups in Nigeria. This theory recognizes the need for restructuring the political system that will enable each component unit to function effectively for sustainable development. The study relied on much of the data scooped from secondary sources such as textbooks, internet materials, magazines, newspaper, journals etc. The study found out that agitations and conflict among ethnic groups was threat to national integration and development, citing the case of Indigenous people of Biafra popularly known as IPOB, Niger Delta militant, etc. The paper concluded that national integration was the bedrock to peace and national development in Nigeria. It was also recommended that government should desist from the actions and inactions that are threat to national integration and peace. The study recommended that Nigerian government should seriously focus on empowerment and investment in youth, through education, skill acquisition and also implementing policy that will eliminate all forms of agitations. The paper equally recommended adoption of regional government and true Federalism to address the problems of national development.
 Keywords: Agitations, regime change, political restructuring, integration, and development

Federalism and Ethnic Conflict in Ethiopia and Nigeria: A Comparative Analysis

This article makes a comparative analysis of the conditions of ethnicity, ethnic conflict, and the political order of federalism in Ethiopia and Nigeria. Both Ethiopia and Nigeria share common highly ethnically diversified and large numbers of the population, recurrent inter-ethnic conflict, and the adoption of federalism as a system of ethnic conflict management. Also, the two countries depict differences including the status of ethnicity in each country’s version of federalism. While ethnicity is accepted as a means of political mobilization and base of structuring the Ethiopian federation, the Nigerian model unwelcomed ethnic-based political mobilization, and exclusive claims over a particular geography. Despite such different considerations of ethnicity in relation to federal political order, Nigeria and Ethiopia have been hosting ethnic conflicts that negatively affect the countries’ peace and stability. Neither Ethiopian experiences of ethnic celebrating federalism nor the Nigerian model of geographic federalism is successful to mitigate ethnic conflicts. At the same time, both countries have not practiced democracy and built strong institutions. Based on the common denominators in both countries, this article argues that ethnicity as an explanatory factor to conflicts impedes alternative explanations to the conflicts in terms of ill-functioning democracy and institutions.

Who responds to changes to the federal adoption tax credit? Evidence from Florida

AbstractThe federal adoption tax credit (ATC) can help offset the cost of adoption, yet it is unclear whether it has a positive impact on the number of adoptions or if it merely transfers resources to households who would have adopted anyway. The ATC has primarily been a nonrefundable tax credit, but in 2010 and 2011 the full amount (over $13,000) was available as a refundable tax credit, representing a substantial increase in the benefit to lower‐ and middle‐income families—those with typically low tax liability. Using county‐level data from Florida, we estimate an increase of 265 additional public adoptions over what would be expected at the end of 2011. Relative decreases in adoptions in the first months of 2012 suggest that much of this increase is due to retiming rather than new adoptions. The response appears to be concentrated in lower‐ and middle‐income households living in higher‐income, more populated areas.

The Role of Norm Entrepreneurship in Nation-Building: Sheikh Zayed of the United Arab Emirates

Focussing on Sheikh Zayed, the founder of the United Arab Emirates, this paper examines the way norm entrepreneurship functions in nation-building. As an effectual norm entrepreneur who championed certain transformative nation-building norms, Sheikh Zayed transformed the UAE into a modern state without sacrificing its traditional identity. Politically, these norms include the adoption of federalism as a governing mechanism, his practice of consultative and consensus governance, adherence to an unwritten social contract between rulers and citizens, and the promotion of philanthropy as a tool of foreign policy. Socially, Sheikh Zayed promoted tolerance, empowered women, and provided a safety net for the vulnerable. Economically, his economic philosophy was pragmatic and effectively distributed wealth, set up a sovereign fund, diversified the economy, invested in economic and social infrastructure, and pursued environmental conservation.

Taxes and Adoptions from Foster Care

I use administrative data on the universe of public adoptions to investigate whether the federal Adoption Tax Credit influences adoptions from foster care. Using a bunching analysis, I exploit a two-year change in 2010 and 2011 that made the credit refundable. I estimate there were about 2,400 more foster care adoptions, a 44 percent increase, nationwide in December 2011 than had the refundable credit not expired. Of this increase, I estimate an upper bound on the number of new adoptions of 1,790. Assuming all of the increase reflects retiming, I estimate a pull-forward window of up to six months.

Redefining the Baseline: Reasonable Efforts, Family Preservation, and Parenting Foster Children in New York

Adolescents New York's foster care system are having children at higher rates and at younger ages than other teens. As one of the largest municipal foster care systems the United States, New York City's Administration for Children's Services (ACS) is grappling with the challenge of responding to the particular needs of young parents who are raising children within the state foster care system (whom this article will refer to as parenting wards), (1) rather than within an extended family. Although New York does not track either the number of foster children who are parents (2) or the age of respondents to removal petitions, the office of the Public Advocate for the City of New York has reported that one every six girls foster care New York City is either pregnant or parenting, a statistic that is likely an underestimate. (3) The high frequency of parenting among teens the foster care system is representative of national trends. (4) Teen girls foster care are two and a half times more likely to become pregnant before their nineteenth birthdays than teens that are not foster care. (5) Parents under eighteen years old are also more likely to be charged with child abuse or neglect than those who wait until they are older to have children, and they are more likely to have their children removed by the state. (6) The complicated reality behind these numbers is that because of state failure to provide the placements, services, and support necessary to function successfully as a family, parenting wards and their children are often denied the opportunity to remain together. This failure is avoidable. The state should articulate and implement the idea that, as the caretaker of foster children and the enforcer of child welfare laws, it has a heightened duty to families of parenting wards before and after removal proceedings begin. Legally, parenting wards have the same rights as other parents. (7) Yet, many ways they are still children the eyes of the law. (8) Teen parents remain dependent on adult guardians because many instances they are not permitted to make decisions about their own custody, education, and medical care. They are not emancipated by virtue of their parenthood. Ironically, adolescent parents are responsible for making decisions for their own children that they are not entitled to make for themselves. (9) Teen parents need to be supervised and cared for while simultaneously being given the ability and freedom to be parents to their own children. This duality of roles creates a corresponding double standard for teen parents; they are expected to fulfill adult responsibilities without being provided all of the benefits and freedoms of being an adult. (10) Caseworkers for these teens do not always understand the difficulty of being a parent while still maturing as an adolescent. (11) Like other parenting wards have a constitutionally protected right to raise their own children. (12) Furthermore, federal law has espoused an intent to keep parenting wards with their children and provides federal funding to do so under the scheme established by the Federal Adoption and Safe Families Act. (13) State law provides the same legal protection to parenting wards as to other parents removal proceedings. However, some advocates New York City are concerned that the current application of abuse and neglect proceedings to teen parents foster care the New York City system may impermissibly interfere with their exercise of these constitutionally and statutorily protected rights. (14) They have expressed concern that ACS and some family court judges may be too quick to determine that a neglect or abuse case is warranted against these young holding them to a higher standard than non parenting-ward parents. (15) These advocates believe that the safety and wellbeing of the children of young parents is inseparable from the safety, wellbeing, and support of those young parents, and that in New York . …

Adoption of Federalism in 1891: Portuguese-Brazilian Monarchical Constitutionalism and the United States of Brazil

Adoption of Federalism in 1891: Portuguese-Brazilian Monarchical Constitutionalism and the United States of Brazil

Federalism and Management of Diversity: A Brief Account of Ethiopian Experience

Based on the existing situation with regard to management of diversity, some federations may adopt multi-level system of authority and governance; and others may incline towards centralized governance. However, it is believed that Federation's capacity to manage ethnic diversity varies across its functions and distinct features. Accordingly Ethiopia having planned to accommodate diversity and to address the question of nationalities in the country opted to adopt federalism as the best way. It is believed that federalism is a system of government which allows decentralization of decision making power to down tires of government with the intention to enhance the participation of local communities there by to address the need of diversified groups.To achieve its objectives the establishment of institutional structure of the federation has been realized. However, the way these institutions have channeled to the activities of the electorate, political parties, organized interest groups, bureaucracies, and informal elites and the operational realities on the ground with regard to the way the federal system is managed has contributed to the accentuation of ethnic conflict rather than managing the diversity. After the adoption of ethnic federalism in 1991, there were many massive massacres and persecutions. The contemporary crises in different parts of Ethiopia seem to be attributable to the above dilemmas. Therefore, the general trend in the implementation of the ethnic federalism after its establishment shows that, “Ethiopia remains hindered in ethnic strife” and contrary to the very problem it was intended to resolve, and it seems to have contributed more problems than it set to solve (Gudina, 2007; Haile, 1996; Maru, 2010). Based on these facts, one can conclude that the implementation of ethnic federalism in Ethiopia is remained problematic and ineffective and it seems “a fragile and perilous experiment” that puts a big challenge on management of diversity in the country. Keywords: Ethnic-Federalism, Managing diversity, Ethiopia, Regional States

The Effects of Federal Adoption Incentive Awards for Older Children on Adoptions From U.S. Foster Care

AbstractThis paper analyzes state responses to the 2003 and 2008 changes in the federal Adoption Incentives program to increase adoptions from the U.S. foster care system. The 2003 change introduced a $4,000 payment to states for every adoption of a child aged 9 and older above a state‐specific baseline. In 2008, the payment was doubled to $8,000. Using a discrete hazard model cast in a difference‐in‐differences framework, I do not find robust evidence that the incentives increased the probability of adoption for older children relative to younger children following the policy changes. I also do not find that the incentives affected the timing of adoption, likelihood of termination of parental rights, or the amounts of adoption assistance for older children relative to younger children. The findings illustrate the incentives are unable to help states overcome many of the challenges associated with achieving adoption for older children.

Why Adopt a Federal Constitution? And Why Decentralize? Determinants Based on a New Dataset

Measurement of both federalism and decentralization has been contentious. We introduce three new indicators reflecting important aspects of both federalism and decentralization. The three new indicators are the result of principal component analysis. When we try to identify their main determinants, it turns out that the only explanatory variable that is significantly correlated with all three is the geographical size of a country. Other variables, such as the size of the population, linguistic fractionalization, or the level of democracy, only help to explain variation of one component. We interpret this as evidence that it is important to distinguish between federalism and decentralization, if one is interested in ascertaining their causes and consequences. We further test for the first time the effect of spatial inequality in a country on the adoption of federalism or decentralization and we find that it correlates significantly with constitutional federalism. This suggests that economically heterogeneous states are more likely to adopt a federal constitution.