A recent article by DiFranza et al. (2012) reports the results of a web-based survey designed to assess “stages of physical addiction” to tobacco. Consistent with this aim, the authors interpret their findings using terms such as “physical dependence,” “physical addiction,” and “biological symptoms.” Essentially all the measures in the reported survey, however, assessed various manifestations of craving to smoke. And whereas the authors state that craving to smoke reflects “withdrawal-induced desire to smoke,” there is converging evidence that craving cannot be seen as a marker of physical addiction and is only weakly related to withdrawal from tobacco. Firstly, craving to smoke can persist for months and years (e.g., Hughes 2010), long after withdrawal from nicotine or tobacco can have any physiological effects. This fact in itself is clearly inconsistent with the view of craving as “withdrawal-induced.” Secondly, craving has been shown to be dissociated from smoking deprivation. For example, orthodox Jewish smokers reported much stronger craving when they smoked at will on a weekday than when they abstained from smoking on the Sabbath (Dar et al. 2005). Similarly, intermittent smokers reported stronger craving on days in which they smoked than on days in which they refrained from smoking (Shiffman et al. 2009). More generally, many studies show that craving is determined primarily by psychological factors, including stress, cues, and expectations, rather than by smoking deprivation per se (e.g., Dar et al. 2010; Carter et al. 2006). Consistent with these findings, neural responses to smoking cues in a functional MRI (fMRI) study were related to expectancy to smoke more than to smoking/nicotine abstinence (McBride et al. 2006). Third, relief of craving does not depend on nicotine content (e.g., Perkins et al. 2010). Denicotinized cigarettes reduce craving to the same extent as do regular cigarettes, even after 11 days of abstinence from nicotine (Donny et al. 2007). There are also indications that craving reduction from cigarette depends on what smokers believe they have received rather by what they have actually received (e.g., Darredeau and Barrett 2010). More generally, craving for cigarettes does not seem to be different from craving for non-drug habits such as gambling (e.g., Goudriaan et al. 2010), video games (Han et al. 2011), hair pulling (Diefenbach et al. 2000), or specific foods like chocolate (Moreno-Dominguez et al. 2011) or rice and sushi (Komatsu 2008). Accordingly, Wolfling et al. (2011) define craving as “the subjective urge to consume a drug or to behave a certain way” (italics added). Reece (2011) compared addictions to drugs and addictions to eating, gambling, or sexual appetites. According to Reece (2011), “there are a number of similarities between chemical and behavioral addictions, so that the actual subject of addiction can be conceptualized as an addictive focus rather than a completely unique addiction per se.” Based on these similarities, several recent studies have suggested a common underlying mechanism for habit, food, and drug cravings. Reece (2011) hypothesized that a hypothalamic appetite regulatory center could be a likely common locus for both drug and nondrug craving mechanisms. In an fMRI study of cue reactivity, Goudriaan et al. (2010) found increased regional responsiveness to gambling pictures in brain regions similar to those underlying cue reactivity in substance dependence and smoking. These recent developments suggest that craving to smoke R. Dar (*) Department of Psychology, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv 69978, Israel e-mail: ruvidar@freud.tau.ac.il