Actors In International Affairs Research Articles

The Effort of Musi Banyuasin to Gain Interest in the International World

This study investigated the Musi Banyuasin Regency Government’s role as a regional actor in international affairs. Regional governments can develop the region and affect the regional economy thanks to paradiplomacy, one of the phenomena in international relations that seeks to involve international relations actors. This research was grounded in the paradiplomacy theory proposed by Pertti Joenniemi and Alexander Sergunin. This study employed a descriptive qualitative method, aiming to provide a general overview of the subject of study by using data collected in their raw form without applying any analysis and drawing any pertinent conclusions. Primary data were collected from the Musi Banyuasin Regency Government. In contrast, secondary data came from the Musi Banyuasin Regency Government’s official website and news articles discussing the research subject. Following the findings, the Government of Musi Banyuasin Regency fulfilled its role as an international relations actor by implementing paradiplomatic methods such as promoting a positive image of the region through participation in international forums, joining international organizations, and collaborating with them.

Strategic partnerships and China’s diplomacy in Europe: Insights from Italy

As discussions of a ‘new cold war’ between China and the West intensify, it has never been more important to understand how China engages internationally. Crucially, as of 2022, China has established 110 ‘strategic partnerships’, without stipulating any formal treaty of alliance, but we know little about strategic partnerships and how China uses them, despite their centrality as a foreign policy tool. Departing from the assumption of the state as a unitary and monolithic actor in international affairs, this article proposes a new framework of strategic partnerships which incorporates sub-state entities as well as an ideational component, highlighting the image-building purpose that these partnerships serve. Empirically, the analysis focuses on the evolution of the Sino-Italian strategic partnership, drawing on a critical discourse analysis of 1294 news articles published as part of the agreement between the Chinese and Italian news agencies Xinhua and ANSA.

Does the EU have friends?

AbstractThis article seeks to explore the relevance of the concept of international friendship for the study of EU foreign policy. Drawing on a nascent friendship literature developing in the field of IR, this article argues that the EU's friendships – relations with significant others based on shared narratives and projects – play an important part in the EU's construction of its international identity. To illustrate this argument, the article provides an analysis of the EU's relations with Japan. The analysis suggests that EU‐Japan relations can usefully be described as an emergent international friendship which – revolving around the narrative of a Free and Open Indo‐Pacific and shared projects such as the EU‐Japan Partnership on Sustainable Connectivity and Quality Infrastructure – shapes and solidifies the EU's self‐image as an actor in international affairs.

Unpacking Joint Attributions of Cities and Nation States as Actors in Global Affairs

Summary Public diplomacy efforts of nation states and cities within these states inevitably develop alongside another, giving rise to joint attributions regarding these entities as actors in global affairs, though also potentially intensifying perceptions of their independent and even contradictory roles in international diplomacy. Variations in attributions of cities and states as more or less conjoint actors can be expected to affect both the visibility of key actors and the formation of attitudes and behaviours towards these actors in international affairs. In this essay I explore how and in what dimensions such variations can be expected to occur, applying recent thinking on the constitution of social actors to this emerging debate in public and city diplomacy scholarship and proposing a conceptual framework that distinguishes joint ‘selfhood’ and ‘actorhood’ as key dimensions of joint city/state attributions. The essay includes a discussion of the implications of this conceptualisation for public and city diplomacy.

EU Actorness in the Conflict in Ukraine: Between ‘Comprehensive’ Ambitions and the Contradictory Realities of an Enlarged ‘Technical’ Role

The EU as an actor in international affairs does so far have only limited experience in conflict management. Nevertheless, it has formulated the goal of playing the role of a ‘comprehensive’ conflict manager already in 2013. In the post-Soviet region, the Union until recently hardly lived up to that ambition and has mostly restricted itself to a technical profile. This article asks for the EU’s contribution to conflict management in Ukraine since 2014 and for its respective development as a foreign policy actor. It finds that the Union in Ukraine largely remains wedded to the ‘partial-indirect’ type of conflict manager but that it has also demonstrated some progress towards a more political and less technocratic profile. In the Ukraine conflict, the EU has shown remarkable pragmatism, a willingness to invest resources on an unprecedented level, and the ability to securitize its policies in substance. It can be argued that the EU, based on its comprehensive support to state building projects in Ukraine, is on the way towards the establishment of a ‘state building–security nexus’ in the ENP framework. Yet, there exists a dangerous gap between the level of investment on the one hand and the low political profile of the institutions and the lack of strategy on the other hand.

NGO Accountability: A Conceptual Review across the Engaged Disciplines

AbstractNon-governmental organizations (NGOs) are pivotal actors in international affairs. They manage billions of dollars in funding, work all around the world, and shape global policies and standards. It thus comes as no surprise that the subject of accountability has drawn the interest of an increasing number of scholars across disciplines. Though there seems to be agreement about its desirability, accountability is also described as chameleon-like and ambiguous. And despite calls for more cross-disciplinary learning and conceptual clarity, there does not exist a comprehensive review of accountability conceptualizations across and within disciplines, or how the different meanings relate to each other. Based on the conceptual review of 217 research articles published within the last twenty years, this study identifies and analyzes conceptualizations of accountability in the major journals of five engaged disciplines: accounting, development studies, international relations and political science, organization studies and management, and public administration. Integrating this broad scholarship reveals that: (1) there exist 113 different conceptualizations of accountability, 90 of which are rarely used and appear in less than 5 percent of all analyzed articles, (2) scholars have used forty-three different conceptualizations in 2019 compared to seventeen conceptualizations in 2009, (3) many conceptualizations refer to same phenomena by different name (duplication), and different phenomena by the same name (conflict), and that (4) conceptual ambiguity contributes to ambiguity among the forty different terms used to measure and operationalize accountability. These findings illustrate a lack of cross-disciplinary learning and accumulation of knowledge, and suggest that new conceptualizations be introduced only if one or more of the 113 existing ones don't already capture an idea sufficiently. The purpose of this article is to serve as a concept map for scholars when debating and charting new directions for the study of accountability.

Change or Consistency? A Historical Overview of South Africa's Post-apartheid Foreign Policy

This study examines the trajectory of South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy by establishing the extent of change or consistency in its implementation since 1994. Under the ruling African National Congress (ANC), South Africa has emerged as a promising international actor, particularly within the Southern African region and on the African continent in general. The authors provide a historical analysis of the major trajectories of foreign policy articulation under the administrations of Presidents Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma spanning the period 1994 to 2018. In investigating the conception and execution of foreign policy under these dispensations, the authors unravel a consistent but skewed pattern of national role conception that underscores Pretoria’s vision to be a major actor in international affairs, both regionally and globally. We conclude that South Africa’s foreign policy during this period was marked by Mandela’s altruism, Mbeki’s Afrocentrism and the antediluvian signature of Zuma.

Soft power individuals in Nigeria and South Africa: an appraisal of Olusegun Obasanjo’s and Thabo Mbeki’s power of attraction

ABSTRACT Despite the increasing influence of non-state actors in international affairs, soft power analysis in Africa and globally remains state-centric. By extension, assessment of individuals’ soft power is undeveloped. This article examines the extent to which, if at all, Olusegun Obasanjo and Thabo Mbeki wielded soft power in the international arena both during and after their presidencies. It examines their idiosyncratic traits and varied ideas and policies, particularly with regard to pan-Africanism and African Renaissance that generate or undercut soft power. The article concludes that Obasanjo and Mbeki have successfully used their soft power and international clout to make significant contributions in Africa and beyond.

Popular Causes: The Volunteer Graduate Scheme, the Freedom from Hunger Campaign and Altruistic Internationalism in Australia

ABSTRACTThis article foregrounds the importance of non-elite actors in international affairs by exploring the rise of altruistic internationalism in Australia from the early 1950s and into the 1960s. From the mid-twentieth century, humanitarianism and international development became popular causes through which Australians engaged with the region and the world. The Volunteer Graduate Scheme (VGS), established in 1951, and the Freedom from Hunger Campaign (FFHC), run by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization throughout the 1960s encouraged “ordinary” citizens, defined here as neither experts nor politicians, to become engaged in development issues. They rendered humanitarian concern into a mainstream interest, and even wove it into popular culture. This article argues that these two programs began to stitch altruistic internationalism, that is everyday internationalism expressed through development concern, into the fabric of Australian life; and that this had distinct, though largely unintended, political effects.

The President's dilemma: The Portuguese semi-presidential system in times of crisis (2011–16)

Abstract Economic crises and foreign interventions cause political actors to face a dilemma between responsiveness towards their electorate and responsibility vis-à-vis international institutions. In this article, we analyse how a seldom studied political actor in international affairs (the Head of State in a semi-presidential regime) dealt with this dilemma. We focus on Aníbal Cavaco Silva's (former president of the Portuguese Republic) discourse, and use of veto and constitutionality examination request powers in the 2011–16 mandate, and on his attitudes regarding the access to power of pro- and anti-austerity political forces in the aftermath of the 2015 legislative elections. We conclude that the Head of State was more concerned with international responsibility than with domestic responsibility and responsiveness, especially at the behavioural level, although he occasionally acted in ways that toned down this feature of his presidential mandate. We therefore suggest that in times of severe crisis the political conditions that usually partly explain variations in the use of the presidential powers in semi-presidential regimes interact with short-term factors related to the crisis that can reduce or even cancel out their effects.

ПОНЯТТЯ ТА ХАРАКТЕРИСТИКА ДЕРЖАВИ ЯК СУБ’ЄКТА МІЖНАРОДНОГО ПУБЛІЧНОГО ПРАВА

States are the main actors of international law and key actors in international affairs. States define the main vectors of the international law development and have an influence (direct and indirect) on all trends in international life. Currently there is no universal, generally accepted definition of state іn positive international law. The purpose of the article is to analyze the approaches to the definition of the state as a subject of international public law and to outline the definition of the state in accordance with applicable international law and international legal practice.The article analyzes the main characteristics of the state and the criteria (elements) of the state as a subject of public international law in accordance with applicable international law, international legal practice and modern international legal doctrine.It is concluded that the state is a subject of public international law, which is a political and legal territorial entity that meets the following criteria: has a permanent population, a defined territory, government, capacity to enter into international relations. Given the presence of these four criteria (elements) of the state, the state's sovereignty is presumed.It is also concluded that а state as a subject of public international law has the ability to create norms of international law; to acquire rights and obligations under such norms, to implement the specified norms; has the ability to participate in international public-legal relations; has the ability to bear international legal responsibility. The subject of international law is the state as a whole, and not its separate administrative-territorial units, state bodies or officials.

Introductory Remarks by Ian Johnstone

In 1945, world leaders gathered in San Francisco to sign the United Nations Charter, which laid the blueprint for today's international system. The institutional architecture that was built around the United Nations, including its specialized agencies (such as the World Bank and World Health Organization) and funds and programs (such as the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)), survived the Cold War and seemed to have hit its stride in the immediate post-Cold War era. Yet the global distribution of power has changed, states are no longer the sole actors in international affairs, and the very idea of global governance is being called into question. Not surprisingly, there is much questioning of whether the institutional architecture that was built almost seventy-five years ago is still fit for purpose. Policymakers are rightly focused on reform of that architecture. Rather than tinkering at the margins, this panel was conceived with a more radical agenda. If the UN did not exist today, would we create it? If so, what would it look like?

“Large Ocean States”: Sovereignty, Small Islands, and Marine Protected Areas in Global Oceans Governance

Abstract Small island states are typically portrayed as vulnerable and insignificant actors in international affairs. This article traces the emerging self-identification of “large ocean states” that these small island states in the Pacific and Indian Oceans are now employing, juxtaposing their miniscule landmass and populations with the possession of sovereign authority over large swathes of the world’s oceans. Such authority is increasingly being exercised in the context of biodiversity conservation through expanding marine protected areas (an element of both the Sustainable Development Goals and the Aichi Targets of the Convention on Biological Diversity) as an expression of “ecological responsibility.” This new exercise of green sovereignty reinforces state control over spaces previously governed only at a distance, but control made possible only through compromises with nonstate actors to fund, monitor, and govern these MPAs.

Могут ли страны БРИКС сотрудничать в вопросах международной безопасности?

The BRICS have made considerable strides in economic and development cooperation, yet the coalition has not been as successful in formulating and implementing an agenda of its own to address international security despite clear signs that the coalition wishes to promote cooperation in this area. Why, then, have the BRICS been slower to cooperate on security issues, and what are the prospects for intensifying cooperation in this area? This article analyses BRICS cooperation agenda-setting in international security against the backdrop of the coalition’s efforts to institutionalize itself as a flexible yet coherent entity and an influential collective actor in international affairs. Drawing on key BRICS documents and reports related to security meetings, I examine three types of security-related efforts that have been made since the first summit, in 2009.These include attempts to coordinate positions on specific security issues, namely armed conflicts, and related normative stances; efforts to coordinate policies; and institution-building initiatives. I find that the bulk of BRICS security discussions have focused on the first category, with some effort to coordinate policy and minimal progress in institution-building in the security arena. This finding shows that international security has not, thus far, been among the “paths of least resistance” that the grouping’s diverse members have found in their efforts to deepen intra-group collaboration-a fact that can be explained by citing internal differences as well as contextual factors. However, the hurdles to a more cohesive BRICS security agenda are not insurmountable, although they may restrict the gamut of topics addressed by the coalition’s cooperation efforts. In particular, there is an unexplored area in which the five states could enhance their security cooperation while drawing on their development and peace-building experiences and preferences: that of conflict prevention.

Normative Differences in Chinese and European Discourses on Global Security: Obstacles and Opportunities for Cooperation

This article attempts to provide an answer to the puzzle of how to account for the variations in levels and effectiveness of security cooperation between the EU and China, particularly given the apparently structural nature of the main factors affecting their security relationship. The hypothesis put forward in this study is that normative differences and overlaps could hold explanatory value in this regard, on the basis of theoretical premises grounded in social constructivism. To this purpose, the article contributes a detailed discussion of the normative positions held, respectively, by the EU and China, particularly with regard to definitions of threats and priorities, positions on national sovereignty and non-interference, and views on multilateralism and multipolarity. The impact of these normative positions is illustrated and discussed with reference to some salient cases of EU–China security cooperation, such as the Iranian nuclear issue, the ratification of the CTBT, and anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden. While underlining the importance of norms as an explanatory variable, the article also points to the relevance of the interplay between norms and interests, as well as their interaction with other structural factors—particularly the role of the United States as the main security actor in international affairs.

Security relations between China and the European Union: from convergence to cooperation? China's offensive in Europe

Relations between the European Union and China have not produced a depth and breadth of research which would reflect the importance of these two actors in international affairs. Two new books, which examine different aspects of the bilateral relationship, are therefore welcome, particularly at a time when the relationship is facing a number of structural and political challenges. Security relations between China and the European Union, an in-depth volume edited by Emil Kirchner, Thomas Christiansen and Han Dorussen, examines different aspects of security relations between the EU and China. This has grown in importance as Brussels and Beijing have increasingly looked beyond the traditional economic and commercial core of their interactions to cultural, political and security concerns. This editors' approach is a broad one and contributors pay attention to ‘non-traditional’ security issues from terrorism to migration, human security and climate change. These areas have become more prominent not just in the International Relations literature, but also in the policy analysis and priorities of both the EU and China.

South Africa's bilateral relationships in the evolving foreign policy of an emerging middle power

This article introduces the special issue on ‘South African Foreign Policy: identity, directions, and intentions’. Here we seek to summarize key insights from the contributions to this special issue to deepen understanding of South Africa’s evolving post-apartheid foreign policy through an exploration of the nature and trajectory of key bilateral relationships from both the global ‘South’ (Brazil, China, Iran, the AU) and ‘North’ (Japan and the UK). This window on the country’s international relations enriches understanding of the normative and structural factors that influence not only South African foreign policy, but those of what Edouard Jordaan calls emerging middle powers as they seek to position themselves as influential actors in international affairs. We sketch the contours of these key South African relationships in four areas where the tendencies and tensions of emerging middle power foreign policies are apparent: regionalism, multilateralism, reform of global governance, and approach to moral leadership.

It is a squad game: Manchester United as a diplomatic non-state actor in international affairs

This article explores Manchester United's role as a diplomatic actor in contemporary international affairs. It explores United as a lens on the role a sporting institution can have in the broader diplomatic milieu of the twenty-first century and the burgeoning understanding of sport diplomacy. The argument is that certain sporting institutions have a capacity to influence the diplomatic process in contemporary diplomacy because of the increasingly multilayered and multi-stakeholder nature of international affairs. The article analyses United across three categories: football, commercial, and business to illustrate their influence. The influence as a diplomatic actor is identified in two main forms: first, Manchester United participating as part of the English Premier League, playing in the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) Champions League, and, second, as an international business with a truly global commercial brand, and in what might be considered traditional forms of diplomacy, with engagement with the attributes of Her Majesty's Government at home or abroad.

The Discovery of the Diaspora

In recent years diasporas have become portrayed as newly emerging actors in the international arena. This “‘discovery’ of expatriate populations” (Larner 2007:334) involved a growing number of state, nonstate, and international institutions reaching out to diasporas, increased expatriate organizing, and a certain institutionalization of diaspora activities. Diasporas are portrayed as development actors, transnational investors, trade and tourism promoters, political activists, peace brokers, and conflict instigators. Yet, none of these activities of expatriate populations are particularly new. Why is it then that diasporas have been “discovered” and promoted as actors in international affairs only recently? Much existing literature conceptualizes the recent involvement of diasporas in terms of individual states' decisions to reach out to their diasporas as an instrument of foreign policy (Shain and Barth 2003; Brinkerhoff 2008; Gamlen 2008). Thereby, the state is often posited as the starting point and diasporas are conceptualized as a given entity or an individual actor that interacts with the state, equally seen as an entity. Yet, diasporas are composed of heterogeneous groups of people who do not a priori share common values and interests. Moreover, we are not talking about a process of simply mobilizing groups of people who have already organized according to their countries of origin, although this does not mean that such organizing does not exist. Hence, this contribution proposes to de-center the analysis and move away from the state as a starting point to shift the focus toward the construction of diasporas as actors and as a “governmental category” (Larner 2007). Referring to expatriate citizens in terms of “the diaspora” represents an act of constituting the subject of the diaspora.

Deficiencies in Global Governance and Implications for Defense Education

Those contributing to international peace and stability act in an ever-changing, increasingly complex and inter-connected global environment. The international security landscape has changed considerably during the last twenty years, with important power shifts in international affairs, an acceleration of globalization dynamics, the spread of modern information technologies, and a diversification of powerful actors in world politics. In addition, a multitude of transnational security challenges - ranging from the proliferation of weapons to organized crime, including the trafficking of human beings, the security implications of migration, and the challenges of information and cyber security - are on the agenda.Global governance, which is understood here as cooperative arrangements between various international actors - states, international and regional organizations, as well as actors from the private sector and civil society communities - to manage global processes under conditions of globalization and in the absence of a world government, is still weak when it comes to adapting to these developments. Significant deficits in global governance with respect to issues of peace and international security exist today, and will most likely continue to exist in the future. A key consequence is the continuous presence of insecurity and disorder. In such situations of uncertainty, there is a need for leadership and close cooperation among partners. Education will be crucial in enabling the armed forces to fulfill their role in this environment. Thus, leadership skills, political awareness, and versatility will all be important elements of defense education.The global governance deficit requires us to better understand and deal with the changes in the international security landscape, including changing patterns of armed conflict and other forms of violence, the increasing threat to our financial and economic security, and the development and spread of new technologies. All these factors determine our security and defense thinking.The Changing Security LandscapeThe international system has witnessed dramatic changes during the last twenty years, shifts that have an impact on national, regional and international security policies. The period of the Cold War was a stable but potentially apocalyptic period of nuclear superpower competition. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the United States remained the sole superpower, dominating the international system and promoting liberalism worldwide. During the post-Cold War era, international and regional organizations were empowered, becoming influential actors in international affairs. The United Nations has assumed a greater importance on the world stage, and NATO and the EU have also enlarged their scope of activities to include crisis management and stabilization missions. They also changed the political and strategic map of Europe by expanding eastwards to include the former members of the Warsaw Pact and some former republics of the Soviet Union.The beginning of the new millennium was then marked by the attacks of 1 1 September 2001 and the onset of the global war against terrorism. In the following years, asymmetrical warfare and the return to the use of force and interventionism have shaped international security policies. At the same time, the world has also seen the slow but steady rise of new powerful state actors, such as Brazil, Russia, India, and China (collectively referred to as the BRIC countries) and a redistribution of global power from the Atlantic to the Pacific. China, especially, has gained considerable power, developing into the world's second-biggest economy after the United States.In addition to these tectonic developments, today's security landscape is very much influenced by two recent game changers: the global economic and financial crisis of 2008, and the set of national movements in North Africa and the Middle East subsumed under the banner of the Arab Spring or Arab Awakening. …