Civil Society Actors Research Articles

Transnational corporate power, neo-colonialism and investigative journalism: a conversation with Matt Kennard

Purpose This viewpoint aims to contribute to understanding corporate power in two key respects. First, it provides insight into the ways in which transnational corporations continue to operate as vehicles for neo-colonial projects, which are underpinned by exploitation and racial hierarchies. Second, it highlights the significance of investigative journalism in providing a crucial empirical resource for both activists engaged in holding power to account and scholars engaged in critical research into corporate power and civil society activism. Design/methodology/approach This viewpoint combines an interview with an investigative journalist and the academic commentary provided by the authors in response to the interview. Findings This viewpoint highlights contemporary mutations in the concentration of corporate power, along three broad themes: the growth of transnational institutions critical to enabling and supporting abuses of transnational corporate power and neo-colonialism; the emergence of corporate-run political territories secured by private security organisations; and the corporate attack on progressive politics. It also analyses the important role of investigative journalism in advancing knowledge of transnational corporate power as well as its role in holding such power to account and the urgent need for new forms of independent journalism to support union activism, whistleblowing and other forms of democratic activism. Research limitations/implications This viewpoint engages with an alternative tradition of social critique and the critique of corporate power, which has been underrepresented in the field of international business. Practical implications This study highlights the significance of investigative journalism in providing a crucial empirical resource for both activists engaged in holding power to account and scholars engaged in critical research into corporate power and civil society activism. Social implications These implications entail developing a critique of transnational corporate power and neo-colonialism, enriching democtratic oversight and journalism, and supporting freedom of expression and democratic activism. Originality/value To the best of the authors’ knowledge, minimal research has explored the critical role of investigative journalism in uncovering and holding transnational corporate power accountable. This paper therefore offers a highly original contribution by addressing this significant yet underexamined area.

Impact of Soil Use On Winter Greenhouse Gas Emissions: The Agricultural Sector in Alagoas Through An Emissions Inventory

Objective: To prepare a greenhouse gas inventory within the state of Alagoas for 2019, using data and factors from livestock and agriculture. Theoretical framework: Preparing an inventory is an important tool for understanding climate change that is directly related to greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, mostly resulting from anthropogenic activities. In Brazil, agriculture stands out as one of the main sources of emissions, driven by the production of grains and animals for domestic and foreign consumption. Due to the difficulty of direct measurement, emissions are often assessed through inventories. The GHG emissions inventory is one of the basic tools that provides relevant data to direct certain public policies, or civil society actions, to reduce GHG emissions into the atmosphere, given that the state of Alagoas has few scientific productions on GHG sources and emissions. Methodology: Emissions were calculated by multiplying the emission coefficient following the methodology proposed by the IPCC, GHG Protocol, using the multiplication of the emission coefficient also indicated by the IPCC, MCTIC, EMBRAPA by the total number of heads or by the number of hectares of each crop in 2019 to calculate emissions. The results were then transformed into figures to facilitate understanding and analysis. Results and Discussions: N2O emissions from temporary and permanent crops, and N2O and CH4 emissions from flooded rice crops; as well as CH4 and N2O emissions from the livestock sector, totaling 10.53 MtCO2e of emissions in 2019. Comparing with other results, differences were noted in the total emissions due to the adoption of different methodologies and factors, as well as in what to measure, so this article presents advances and limitations, contributing to a greater depth of understanding of emissions. Research Implications: This research contributes to the scientific literature, public policy actions and environmental planning, as well as understanding and analyzing the impacts on the agricultural sector, and methodological and scientific advances, and the promotion of new research and data updates that can guide new research and updates. Originality/value: This study provides a regional focus on Alagoas, with consistent applications of international methodologies (IPCC, GHG Protocol) in local contexts. It serves as a basis for local public policies, environmental and climate impacts, expanding knowledge about the state's emissions, and encouraging innovation in local methods, as well as awareness and social mobilization.

Civil society actors and conflict management in Moldova

The article focuses on the role of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and its efforts, in collaboration with local NGOs, in bringing about conflict resolution in the Republic of Moldova. The OSCE has been active in the Republic of Moldova for the last twenty years and has been working with NGOS from both sides of the Dniester/ Nistru river. While the process has met with several challenges over the years, the recent full-fledged war against Ukraine has complicated the strategy for conflict settlement of the Transdniestrian conflict even more. The main goal of this article is to present and analyse various forms of cooperation between the OSCE and local civil society actors and to identify activities which encourage confidence-building. To this end, we will discuss relevant conceptual approaches in the field of Conflict Resolution and focus on mediation, conflict transformation, conflict settlement, and reconciliation. Moreover, we will explore activities of civil society organizations which are engaged in dialogue and collaboration with the OSCE. Methodologically, the article is built around a constructivist theorizing and the main argument is that the Transdniestrian conflict is an identity conflict and reconciling the parties, from grass-root level upwards to community leaders, ensures identity transformation and confidence building. The latter are key aspects in fostering trust, dialogue, and conflict management.

The EU'S financial support for the civil society in the Western Balkans vs. the Republic of Moldova

The civil society has increased its involvement in the life of every democratic society. The goal of our paper is to outline the engagement of the EU in the reformation/ democratization of the Western Balkans and the Republic of Moldova through the financial aid that is offered to the civil society. The civil society in a democracy plays an important role in the awareness and concern of the public opinion regarding a conflict resolution process. At present, an empowered and active civil society can mobilize people in the street, for the purpose of demanding change. From raising awareness and sharing information about a supposed prejudice to connecting with others who feel the same about an issue, the civil society impacts public opinion. Methodologically, we started from the following research hypothesis: the financial aid offered by the EU helps to reform the countries in the process of joining the EU. Consequently, our study is based on a comparative analysis of the official documents issued by the European Commission concerning the financing of the multi-country multiannual action plan on an EU Civil Society Facility and Media Programme in favour of the Western Balkans and Turkey for 2021-2023, with a focus on the countries of the Western Balkans, and in favour of the NDICI Neighbourhood East Region part 1 for 2021-2022, with a focus on Moldova. The research is multidisciplinary and at the crossroads of decision-making policies and communication, attempting to contribute to a better understanding of the role of the civil society amid the democratization/reformation of the Western Balkans and the Republic of Moldova.

Listening and Preparing the Society to Engage: The Case of the Colombian Truth Commission and Its Legacy Strategy

ABSTRACT Reflections on the Colombian Truth Commission are timely to answer a question less explored in the transitional justice literature related to how transitional justice processes have been popularized and made accessible to the broader public, and moreover, how the various stakeholders have extended the fruits of transitional justice. In this note from the field, we offer our practitioner perspectives on the key enabling conditions and strategic moments in the development of the Commission’s legacy strategy that contributed to these outcomes. We examine how the Commission’s ethical and political framing of the listening exercises and its overall institutional structure led to a long-term peacebuilding project that continues to mobilize today through the work of the Trabajo en red con aliados or the Network of Allies. We unpack the key factors that foster ongoing mobilization of civil society and local government actors engaged in debating, implementing and grappling with the recommendations of the final report. This note provides new information for the debate about the value of networks and partnerships related to facing the truth and moving towards non-recurrence in transitional justice endeavors.

Rebuilding Participatory Institutions in Brazil: The PPA Participativo Between Corporate Demands and Climate and Animal Rights

In 2023, Brazil regained momentum in proposing innovative participatory institutions by launching a complex participatory experiment for budget planning within its “Multiannual Plan” (PPA). While this was not a scaled-up version of the local participatory budgeting plan that emerged decades earlier, its launch did reopen the debate on the possibilities of expanding political participation. The challenge was significant due to the intricate nature of budget planning and the complexity of the plan’s participatory design. This paper examines that experience by outlining the institutional design of the PPA Participativo and analyzing its results in terms of online participation. It also discusses the prominence of climate-related proposals, suggesting that the PPA Participativo serves as a relevant indicator of national concerns regarding climate-based issues. Building on previous experiences, the PPA Participativo is a strategy consisting of three layers: an online platform for digital participation, state-level meetings with civil society activists, and a high-level forum composed of members from national councils. This paper analyses some of the results from the online platform, which recorded 4 million visits from 1.5 million individual participants. These citizens were invited to submit proposals, vote for up to three proposals, and choose from a set of pre-designed government programs. The main concerns that emerged from this open-ended process included corporate demands, stemming from highly organized sectors, such as public health and education employees. However, animal rights also ranked among the most-voted proposals. The program of the Ministry of the Environment on climate change reached the top position in this segment, largely due to its strong campaigning strategy. This paper discusses these outcomes, drawing on evidence of both societal engagement and institutional activism to promote specific agendas.

Civic Entrepreneurs and "Ratio Legis" During Russia’s War in Ukraine: a Case Study of Digital Petitions in Latvia and Ukraine

Civic initiatives that manifest themselves in the legitimate form of electronic petitions (initiatives) in different countries of the world are attracting more and more attention. This is especially true in times of social crisis. The war in Ukraine has become one of the most powerful factors influencing civic activity in both Ukraine and Latvia. A significant number of civic initiatives have emerged as a result of the war. The very content and focus of this activity has changed significantly under the influence of wartime challenges, which requires a separate scientific analysis. These circumstances have actualised the authors' research in this area. This article is the first attempt to study the experience of Latvia and Ukraine in the field of electronic petitions in the context of the war in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to examine the role and influence of civil society actors on the justification of legislation, or ratio legis, in the legislative processes of Latvia and Ukraine during the crisis caused by the Russian war in Ukraine. To achieve this goal and solve the tasks stipulated by it, the following scientific methods were used: systematic, formal legal, comparative legal, analysis and synthesis, generalisation and critical analysis. The author has studied Ukrainian and Latvian legislation defining the procedures for publishing electronic petitions and collecting signatures in their support. The analysis shows that during the first two years of the war in Ukraine, the public initiative platform ManaBalss.lv (MyVoice) in Latvia received 165 proposals on wartime issues. Of these, 49 initiatives were published that met ManaBalss.lv's quality criteria. Among them, 10 reached the legally required threshold of signatures and were submitted to the parliament (Saeima) or the respective municipalities as collective submissions. Two of these collective submissions were implemented, in particular, an amendment to the legislation legally obliging employees of state institutions to be loyal to the Republic of Latvia and its Constitution was introduced. The study also examines the history of the 2019 collective submission to the Saeima demanding the demolition of the grandiose Soviet-era Victory Monument, which is protected by an international agreement. The study also includes the Ukrainian experience of civic activism, such as the initiative to legalise same-sex civil unions. It has acquired a new vector of relevance due to the war in Ukraine. This initiative was aimed at creating legal grounds for informing de facto spouses about the injury, captivity or death of the other partner, as well as exercising rights related to the death of a partner. The study revealed the targeted, persistent influence of individual and organised public figures or social entrepreneurs on the current state of legislation in the areas that have proven to be most sensitive to the challenges of war. The study of synergies, especially between civic and political entrepreneurs, aims to improve understanding of the mutually constructive work of policymakers and strengthen democracy. A properly conceptualised and practical experience-based mechanism of digital civic participation contributes to achieving this goal. This area is promising for further research.

Hallowed Grounds

This article examines the identification and protection of the sacred natural sites (SNS) of Indigenous peoples, with a particular emphasis on a selection of cases where the Sámi people’s SNS have come under pressure in Sápmi. The article unpacks the origins and impact of the concept of SNS, from the international level to domestic decision making. A key concern of this investigation is how discourses on SNS have come to interact with and influence other issues of global governance, from environmental and biological diversity concerns and activism for cultural heritage to protective measures for the human rights of Indigenous peoples. Following this overview, the article discusses the extent to which the Norwegian authorities, commercial actors, and civil society activists have drawn on the international SNS discourse to formulate their claims in a series of cases concerning energy developments in Sápmi.

The parties of the parliamentary opposition in the elections to representative bodies of local self-government in 2024

The article is devoted to the analysis of the electoral results of opposition political parties in the local government elections, which took place in September 2024. Considering the opposition as the most important element of the modern political system, the author justifies the importance of the presence of opposition political parties at all levels of government. Based on the analysis of latest data of electoral statistics, it is shown that the possibilities of political competition at local elections are slightly higher than at the regional and federal levels. It can be explained by the lower interest of the regional political elite participating in municipal government, especially against the background of a decrease in the budget provision of local government and permanent reforms of the local government. Analyzing the reforms of local self-government the author comes to the conclusion about the gradual integration of local self-government bodies into the general vertical of power and to reproduce its dependence on federal and regional authorities. This, in turn, leads to a low level of trust in the LSG on the part of citizens. At the same time, parties at the local level are becoming important actors of civil society and the main participants in the electoral process, but less than half of the registered political parties are currently becoming participants. The author shows that the main beneficiary of the elections is the United Russia party, while the opposition parties are content to participate rather than win. A typology of opposition political parties is proposed, which is based on the activity of participation in election campaigns (the number of candidates nominated, the number of regions where parties participate, the number of mandates received after the distribution of votes).

HATE CRIMES AS A CULTURAL PHENOMENON: THE EXPERIENCE OF LATVIAN SOCIETY

Changes in the international situation during the last decades have become the reason for new conflicts and aggravations at the national level. The 2015 European migrant crisis (Refugee crisis), 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine have become a catalyst for increase in hate crimes. In order to recognize the criminal offense as a hate crime in the sense of the Latvian regulatory framework, it is necessary to establish two criteria: (a) the composition of the criminal offence is included in the Criminal Law; (b) a motive of hatred against a particular protected group of society can be stated in the criminal offence. It is the motive – hate or prejudice – that distinguishes hate crimes from other types of crimes.Prejudice is a negative assessment of a social group and its members. These are objectively unfounded assumptions and erroneous generalizations that, in the opinion of the offender, separate the representatives of this group from the rest of society. Persistent prejudices are called stereotypes. Unlike prejudice, stereotypes are not necessarily negative in nature. However, stereotypes are not based on objective truth either. It follows from court practice that hate crimes were directed against several groups of Latvian society: against ethnic groups (Latvians, Russians, Ukrainians, Jews, Gypsies or Roma, etc.), against representatives of various religious denominations, against asylum seekers, against people from other countries, against sexual minorities as well as against other groups. Stereotypes are often based on personal or negative cultural experiences of previous generations.In this context, it can be mentioned that it is specifically culture that is the basic factor according to which it is possible to understand, identify and reduce hate speech. Professor Aleksandrs Krugļevskis believed that with a change in cultural understanding, expanding public participation in cultural processes, the level of legal awareness will rise and tendencies, intentions to commit a criminal offense will disappear. Criminal law as a cultural factor creates a system that corresponds to the level of education and culture of the people. The above also corresponds to the vision of Latvia’s cohesive society policy “Guidelines for Cohesive and Active Civil Society 2021–2027”: mutual trust, participation, and cooperation between different social groups have improved among Latvian residents, and the level of tolerance has increased, stereotypes and prejudices against different social group representatives have decreased.Statistical data show that since the start of the war in Ukraine, the number of registered hate crimes in Latvia has increased. These show the relevance of the chosen topic. The authors of the article offer their vision of the problem of hate crimes, studying hate crimes as a cultural phenomenon, paying special attention to the experience of Latvian society in this area.

Sociocultural attitudes in the self-regulation of youth's ideas about the future

The article contains the results of the third stage of the study, revealing the stability and differentiating effect of habitus (mental and modern features of national character, life positions) and migration attitudes on defining the goals that are significant for the future of the country. Based on the comparative analysis of two-dimensional distributions using the χ² statistics, it was revealed that both habitus, ascending to mental traits (love of the fatherland, mercy and compassion, love of neighbor), traditional life positions (collectivism and selflessness), and habitus, genetically associated with modern traits of national character (the desire to defend human rights, openness to everything foreign), and an active life position are stable. Habitus with a traditional value basis sharply divides the expressed carriers of the attitude and those who deny its presence in their choice of goals. Traditional attitudes underlie the construction of a more definite subjective reality of the future than modern ones. The most obvious differentiating effect is recorded in the links between the attitude of love for the fatherland and the social significance of a strong family for the future of the country; love for one's neighbor, mercy and compassion, honor, dignity, selflessness and accessible qualified health care. The semantic content of these attitudes is converted into care for neighbors and empathy for those far away, mainly concerns the satisfaction of the vital needs of health and life. They are also joined by the modern attitude of defending human rights in relation to a comfortable living space as a parameter of the image of the future. The least stable in regulating ideas about the goals of the country's future were shown by the traditional attitude of suspicion towards foreigners and modern attitudes towards the country as a place of residence, demonstrative compassion, rational and pragmatic attitude towards others and individualism. In this case, unformed attitudes have a regulating effect, which explains their instability. The attitudes of young people towards emigration, compared to attitudes towards sedentarization and internal migration, are characterized by a devaluation of key socially significant goals and values (strong family, work, education), but greater support for an active civil society as the most complete expression of agency, the possibility of real influence on the political process and making political decisions.

CIVIL SOCIETY ENGAGEMENT IN REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA'S ACCESSION NEGOTIATIONS: IMPLICATIONS AND PERSPECTIVES

This paper explores the role and impact of civil society engagement in the Republic of Moldova's future accession negotiations to the European Union. Focusing on the intricate dynamics between governmental bodies and civil society actors, we investigate the implications of this engagement on the negotiation process and the subsequent integration into European frameworks. By analysing case studies and empirical data, we aim to shed light on the challenges, successes, and transformative potential of civil society participation in shaping the accession trajectory. Additionally, we discuss the broader implications of such engagement for democratization, governance, and societal development within the context of Republic of Moldova. The paper uses qualitative research strategy, with content analysis and study case, as research methods. It concludes with a reflection on the prospects and recommendations for fostering a more inclusive and effective collaboration between the government and civil society during accession negotiations. This research contributes to the ongoing discourse on the role of civil society in international relations and offers insights into the specific context of Moldova's accession journey.

CIVIL SOCIETY ENGAGEMENT IN REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA'S ACCESSION NEGOTIATIONS: IMPLICATIONS AND PERSPECTIVES

This paper explores the role and impact of civil society engagement in the Republic of Moldova's future accession negotiations to the European Union. Focusing on the intricate dynamics between governmental bodies and civil society actors, we investigate the implications of this engagement on the negotiation process and the subsequent integration into European frameworks. By analysing case studies and empirical data, we aim to shed light on the challenges, successes, and transformative potential of civil society participation in shaping the accession trajectory. Additionally, we discuss the broader implications of such engagement for democratization, governance, and societal development within the context of Republic of Moldova. The paper uses qualitative research strategy, with content analysis and study case, as research methods. It concludes with a reflection on the prospects and recommendations for fostering a more inclusive and effective collaboration between the government and civil society during accession negotiations. This research contributes to the ongoing discourse on the role of civil society in international relations and offers insights into the specific context of Moldova's accession journey.

Balancing Collaboration with Autonomy: Civil Society and Agroecology Movement in India

Civil society has a critical role in bringing about the paradigm shift necessary for sustainability transitions in agriculture. It forms the backbone behind both scaling out and scaling up of these transitions. Its role as innovator, pioneer, campaigner, collaborator and co-creator of knowledge has been inadequately studied in the social movements, sustainability transitions and agroecology literature. This article traces the organic evolution of civil society action in India from the 1980s that reflects a rich and plural history, including a radical and early critique of the Green Revolution paradigm, rooting locally situated alternatives on farmers’ fields and co-creating a diverse set of concepts and practices based on principles from the emerging science of agroecology coupled with socio-economic concerns. As the Indian state aims to rapidly scale natural farming, there is a need for exploring more common ground beyond noisy contestations on terminology or treating civil society organisations (CSOs) as sub-contractors of government schemes. CSOs need to experiment with emerging large-scale opportunities by maintaining a delicate balance between being co-opted collaborators or reluctant partners. As a social movement, they should not lose sight of their recognition and ability to be voices for marginalised knowledge systems, innovators of alternatives and watchdogs of collective value-based action.

Moving the Needle: Recommendation Precision and Compliance with Women’s Rights Recommendations

Abstracts International human rights institutions impose obligations on their member states that extend long past the ratification stage. Each year, states receive tens, or even hundreds, of recommendations from international human rights bodies. These recommendations demand that states change their human rights policies and practices. While recent scholarship has emphasized the important role of domestic institutions and civil society actors in facilitating compliance with these recommendations, comparatively little research examines how the quality of the recommendations themselves affects compliance outcomes. Using two novel datasets, this paper sets out to understand the nexus between recommendation quality and compliance. Our research suggests that highly precise recommendations move the needle away from inaction on international human rights institutions’ rulings and recommendations but make full compliance more difficult. This paper advances the existing literature on the dynamics of compliance and places some of the responsibility for compliance on the international human rights institutions themselves.

Learning from the past? How the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, civil society initiatives and survivor stories shape young Cambodians’ understanding of non-recurrence

ABSTRACT Empirical research into the communicative and didactic functions of transitional justice processes remains scarce, obscuring our understanding of their meaningfulness as message sending mechanisms and their (potential) influence on popular knowledge and beliefs. Engaging with expressivist theory, this article focusses on the Cambodian context to study how young adults perceive and interact with messages on memory, justice and ‘dealing with the past’ disseminated by different transitional justice stakeholders, including the Khmer Rouge Tribunal, civil society actors and survivors. Through thematic narrative analysis of iterative focus group discussions, we explore how participating youths interpret these messages and construe their own narratives and positionalities around non-recurrence. We identify four central themes that reflect students’ emphasis on (1) studying and remembering the past, (2) nurturing intra- and interpersonal civic values, (3) seeking justice for the harms of the past and (4) moving towards a democratic rule-of-law based society. While illustrating the resonance of – and perceived synergies between – key messages by the Tribunal and by civil society actors in its orbit, these themes simultaneously point towards dynamics of expressive friction and discursive hegemony, affecting students’ capacity to meaningfully engage with survivors’ alternative or diverging justice perspectives and priorities.

Behind the trigger: democracy, neoliberalism, and civilian militarism in Latin America

The relationship between liberalism and militarism continues to spark debate, especially regarding the impact of neoliberalism. While ­militarism is often seen as a threat to democracy, it can paradoxically enhance state capacity when strategically employed within radical political projects. This paper presents a comparative analysis of Argentina, Costa Rica, Venezuela and Colombia from 1982 to 2004, examining the interplay of political, military and economic networks of power. Using the concept of ‘civilian militarism’, this study reveals how neoliberal adjustments allowed the rise of civilian authorities that promoted militaristic values, using military actions and norms to pursue political goals in response to crises. It explores how neoliberal policies and transformations, sometimes compounded by contradictions surrounding the illegalisation of hard drugs, opened space for the emergence of radical political projects. This deterioration, coupled with weak political or civil society activism allowed militaristic leaders to rise with the intention of addressing the troubled times in some countries more than others. By offering a macro-historical comparative perspective, this paper demonstrates how neoliberalism, and the limitations of civilian and political actors, in some countries pave the way for the emergence of civilian militarism, which, if not contained, can lead to authoritarianism.

“Build the New City as Fast as Possible”: Speculation as Subsistence in Peri‐Urban Myanmar

AbstractThis article examines an ambitious plan to construct a built‐from‐scratch new city outside Yangon, Myanmar and sheds light on the contradictory responses sparked by rapid urban expansion. Despite fears that this megaproject would threaten the region's way of life, hopes for the new city's construction remained high throughout the project's early phases. Residents of areas targeted for development went so far as to publicly demand the city be built “as fast as possible”. In this article, I highlight the gap between residents’ pro‐project enthusiasm and the expectations of civil society activists and development actors, who predicted locals would reject the planned new city. I argue that this divergence exposes the perceived limitations of solutions held out for populations facing de‐agrarianisation. Equally, it refocuses attention on how project‐affected populations envision their own post‐agrarian future. In doing so, I demonstrate how and why speculation on peri‐urban land has emerged as a compelling mode of subsistence for even the poor among the region's landowning class.

The Religious Leaders’ Perspectives on Corona Survey: Methods and Key Results

Religious leaders are highly influential actors in many societies across the globe. In the singular global crisis brought upon by the COVID-19 pandemic, their perspective on the pandemic itself but also the post-pandemic future is of high relevance. Against this background, we conducted the Religious Leaders’ Perspectives on Corona Survey, a comprehensive survey of 1200 religious leaders globally, in 2020/2021. Its aim was to investigate the role of religious communities and religious leaders during the COVID-19 pandemic. This article provides an in-depth outline and discussion of the survey methodology and the resultant dataset, thereby paving the way for future research using the survey data. Moreover, the first set of key results is highlighted. It emerges that the COVID-19 pandemic was not primarily a health crisis. Rather, in terms of its consequences, COVID-19 had the characteristics of a primarily economic crisis in the Global South and a primarily psychosocial crisis in the Global North. Moreover, the pandemic has had a fundamental impact on religious practice across the globe. This impact, however, seems to be highly unequal between the Global South and North. Religious communities are shown to have had an important role as civil society actors in the pandemic, providing both psychosocial and material support. Regarding the post-pandemic world, religious leaders envision a more equitable society and emphasize the need for environmental sustainability.

The Influence of the International Right to Adequate Housing in Ireland and Spain

Abstract This article investigates and compares the influence of the international right to housing in Ireland and Spain, through the use of the functional comparative method. As part of this comparison, we created a set of indicators that aimed to identify evidence of the direct and indirect influence of the international right to housing on actions carried out at the national level to protect against evictions. In applying this method, we focus on three branches of state (the legislative, executive and judiciary) and civil society actors. Our analysis identifies instances of direct and indirect influence on actors in both countries and compares these results. We conclude that evidence of indirect influence is often more common than evidence of direct influence. We suggest this indirect influence may illustrate the role that the international right to housing may play behind the scenes in creating domestic eviction protections.