Deirdre McCloskey is a true sui generis in our intellectual universe. In latest (and last, by her own promise) installment of her Bourgeoisie trilogy, she had brought together many of ideas proposed in two earlier volumes, as well as in a long stream of essays and lectures. She is an economist like no economist: fiercely opposed to domination of game theory, vociferously suspicious of use of mindless statistical significance in empirical work, and resistant to institutional turn in economic history. In these three volumes she effectively demolishes idea of historical materialism. Economic forces do not determine what people believe and think, she maintains; it's way around. Ideas determine how people act and behave, whether will invest or waste, accept bribes or serve public honestly, whether will be makers or takers, think outside box or remain loyal to age-old conceptions, and hence whether economy will be static and stagnant or dynamic and vibrant.Specifically, she asks this question about modern economic growth, or what she calls the Great Enrichment (a term that is to be preferred to the Great Divergence, which stresses gap opening up between East and West in eighteenth century rather than miraculous rise in living standards). The argument, in a nutshell, is that in a few core areas in western part of Europe, prestige and social standing of economically active and ambitious bourgeois agents-merchants, entrepreneurs, innovative industrialists and farmers, bankers and so on-began to increase. The Bourgeois revaluation or deal is what accounts for modern economic growth. There was a sharp rise in society's receptiveness to improvers (p. 472). Slowly, and in face of much resistance, people began to shed notion that trade and voluntary transactions between consenting adults were improving for all sides. The world was understood to be positive-sum.In words, culture (a word she eschews, but that seems unavoidable here) of society as a whole mattered, not just beliefs of actors themselves. Not much else changed in Europe before industrial Revolution, she feels, that would explain take-off that led into Great Enrichment. We must look to ideas, which did change at right time in right places, and greatly, as she puts it (p. 470). I cannot possibly disagree: indeed, my own Gifts of Athena (2002) and my Enlightened economy (2009) make a similar point. But McCloskey emphasizes a different angle. The hierarchy of values in every society determines what careers young men and women choose and how hard try to succeed. in a military-oriented society will stress physical prowess, in a scholarly society will strive to become learned in books that matter. in a capitalist society in which commerce and economic success are respected, entrepreneurship and profitable innovation will thrive and economic prosperity will ensue. But profits were not everything, much less only thing. People are not just driven by greed (prudence in her somewhat quaint nomenclature), have ethical beliefs and care what others think of them. For a scholar trained in modern economics, this is a bold, heterodox thought. But it may have advantage of being correct.In making her arguments, McCloskey treads on grounds rarely visited by economists: she cites novelists, philosophers, playwrights, political theorists, poets, The theory of moral sentiments (the other Smith masterpiece that most economists skip) (1976 [1759]), and what not. If that makes her arguments more persuasive to her fellow economists or not remains to be seen. Indeed, at times her tone slides into a condescension that some readers may find off-putting. I have read all these books in humanities and philosophy, she says, and they have not. So are in no position to question my conclusions. one scholar is advised by her to re-read The theory of moral sentiments-'slowly. …