Russian Actions Research Articles

Criminal liability for human trafficking in the context of the war in Ukraine: Challenges and impact

Martial law and travel restrictions for citizens aged 18 to 60 were introduced after Russia's actions against Ukraine, but exceptions to this rule quickly emerged due to the potential negative consequences for the economy, politics and humanitarian situation. Despite this, society still faces difficulties related to the restriction of fundamental human rights. The study is important because of the increase in criminal behaviour associated with illegal crossing of the Ukrainian border during the conflict. The effectiveness of measures to counter this phenomenon and the socio-economic consequences for Europe can be determined by comparing them to European standards. This comparative analysis will also help to develop recommendations for improving legislation and international cooperation in this area. The research methods used in this study include systemic and structural, formal legal, comparative legal, logical and semantic, dialectical, sociological, statistical, empirical, and analytical. The purpose of this study is to analyse criminal liability for illegal crossing of the State border of Ukraine in the context of the military situation and to identify ways to improve legislation and international cooperation to effectively counter this phenomenon.

Формирование национального бренда России в контексте соответствия его структурных элементов социально-экономической стратегии развития страны

The authors see the relevance of the research topic in the following: geopolitical events have led to the fact that in the eyes of the world community, Russia's national brand has lost its stability, the country's image has significantly decreased, and the attitude towards Russians from the same ordinary citizens of some countries has worsened. Research shows that all this is predetermined by the high level of subjectivity of the information that people around the world receive regarding Russia's actions and motives in recent years. Therefore, the tasks of improving Russia's media communication policy on the territory of other states, positioning the socio-economic vectors of the country's development through the prism of national branding come to the fore. In this regard, the authors have set and solved the following tasks: 1) identify the structure and content of the national brand of Russia; 2) determine the elemental composition of the mechanism for the formation and promotion of the national brand in the changing geopolitical reality. The results of the study are that: 1) the structure of the national brand has been identified, which is multi-dimensional and multicomponent, but its key element is the media culture of Russian and Western media, other media that broadcast a consistent image of Russia and form public opinion regarding the key elements of the national brand, which makes it possible to position the country on the world stage, demonstrate political, economic and image advantages; 2) the elemental composition of the mechanism for the formation of the national brand of Russia has been determined, which includes: a number of indicators – cultural, social, political, conjunctural and economic, values of patriotism, trust in government and its legitimacy, social capital, communicative capital, semantic integrity, which allows launching state programs aimed at ensuring the operation of the mechanism and creating prerequisites sustainability and global positioning of the national brand of Russia. Thus, it seems possible to state that a national brand is not only a semantic reflection of the national code and identity, but also the basis for representing the socio-economic priorities and directions of the country's strategic development in the geopolitical space.

Should we use legitimate fallacies? A case study of whataboutism in the discourse on the Russian-Ukrainian war

Although the use of argumentative fallacies is generally prohibited in discourse, a significant part of fallacy studies consists in identifying the specific circumstances where the use of a fallacy is permissible. However, this literature often remains silent on whether a fallacy should be used even when deemed legitimate. This silence is problematic, as it suggests that the legitimacy is the sole criterion for deploying a fallacy. In this paper, I challenge this approach by demonstrating that even when a fallacy is legitimate, its use could still jeopardize the arguer’s goals. I base this argument on an analysis of a specific instance of the whataboutism fallacy used by Noam Chomsky in his commentary on the Russian invasion of Ukraine. I show that Chomsky’s references to the United States’ actions in Afghanistan and Iraq are better understood as broadening the context of the discussion rather than distracting or even justifying Russian actions. This is what makes Chomsky’s whataboutisms plausibly legitimate. But while these whataboutisms might be legitimate, I argue, drawing on a cost-benefit analysis of decision to argue framework, that Chomsky has compelling reasons to avoid using them. Real-life examples show that such arguments are prone to misunderstanding and misuse. I conclude that the risks associated with Chomsky’s whataboutism outweigh the potential benefits, suggesting that he should avoid their deployment. This case study reveals a broader lesson for the fallacy literature: it must explicitly address whether the legitimacy of a fallacy is sufficient justification for its use.

The Use of Force by the Russian Federation in Ukraine

The Russian-Ukrainian War has significantly impacted the international community, making it crucial to examine the war responsibility of all parties involved under international law. Through this paper, we aim to prove the illegality of Russia's argument and exercise the right of pre-emptive self-defense. To achieve this, we propose a new set of elements that can be used to judge pre-emptive self-defense more clearly. In light of the illegality of Russia's actions and the ICC's background, we further seek to determine both Russia's national responsibility and the individual responsibility of the war initiators. Our paper also offers a potentially effective arrest plan that involves coordination with specific international organizations and subjects. However, given the ongoing dispute around humanitarian intervention by the United States, humanitarian intervention must play a crucial role in the Russo-Ukraine war. The paper demonstrates the legal basis and necessity of humanitarian intervention in the current situation.

Who Trusts Russia? Members of Parliament (MPs') Support for Putin's Government and Multilateralism

This article examines the ambivalent stance of Latin American governments towards Russia's actions in Ukraine. Using Proyecto Élites Parlamentarias de la Universidad de Salamanca (PELA‐USAL) data, it explores ideological self‐placement, Putin's approval and alliance preferences among Latin American Members of Parliament, highlighting the influence of anti‐imperialism and multilateralism on their international alignments and support for Russia.

THE G7 SUMMIT 2024: A COMPREHENSIVE OVERVIEW

Leaders of the most developed economies in the world gathered for the 50th G7 Summit in Italy in 2024 to discuss important global concerns. With an emphasis on digital transformation, geopolitical stability, economic recovery, and climate action, this study examines the summit's main agenda items and results. While the world was still getting over the COVID-19 epidemic, the G7 was emphasizing the need for coordinated economic policies to boost development and close the gap between developed and poor nations. A major focus was climate action, with pledges to save 30% of land and ocean by 2030 and reach net-zero emissions by 2050. The establishment of the G7 Digital Partnership to improve data privacy and counter cyber threats brought attention to cybersecurity and digital infrastructure. Underscoring the G7's commitment to preserving international law and democratic ideals, the summit also addressed geopolitical challenges, including Russia's actions in Ukraine. Prioritizing social inclusion and lowering economic disparity meant endorsing sustainable development objectives and collaborating with emerging nations. According to the study's findings, the G7's cooperative tactics and proactive participation are critical for tackling global issues and promoting a more safe, fair, and sustainable world.

Дистанционное проведение отдельных следственных действий в России и некоторых странах ближнего зарубежья: сравнительный анализ

The rapid advancement of digital technologies has revolutionized various aspects of contemporary society, including the field of law enforcement and criminal justice. One significant development in this regard is the utilization of video conferencing systems (VCS) for conducting investigative actions remotely. This article seeks to explore the implementation of remote investigative actions in Russia and select neighboring countries, with a focus on the legal framework, practical implications, and potential challenges. Comparative analysis encompasses an examination of the legal provisions governing remote investigative actions in Russia, the Republic of Belarus, the Republic of Kazakhstan, and the Republic of Tajikistan. Particular attention is paid to Article 189.1 of the criminal procedural legislation of the Russian Federation, which regulates the conduct of investigative actions via video conferencing. The analysis evaluates the efficacy, feasibility, and adherence to procedural safeguards in remote interrogations, face-to-face confrontations, and presentations for identification. In conclusion, the analysis underscores both the advantages and shortcomings of remote investigative actions facilitated by video conferencing systems (VCS). While such technological advancements offer opportunities for efficiency and cost-effectiveness, concerns regarding procedural fairness, privacy protection, and technological limitations persist. Accordingly, there is a pressing need for legislative refinement and procedural guidelines to ensure the effective implementation of remote investigative actions while safeguarding the rights of all parties involved. Collaboration between legal experts, law enforcement agencies, and technology developers is essential to address these challenges and optimize the utilization of digital technologies in the criminal justice system.

Subversive Narratives and Status-Seeking: A Look at Russia's Outreach to the Developing World After the Ukraine War

The amplification of the Russo-Ukrainian War in 2022 marked a turning point in relations between Russia and the “Collective West.” Moscow was cut off from Europe and subjected to sanctions and diplomatic isolation. In response, Russia turned to new partners in the Global South (especially in Africa) and intensified its criticism of the Western-dominated liberal international order. It has also unleashed propaganda narratives that depict the existing world system as a hegemonic and oppressive arrangement aimed at preserving the privileged position of the West at the expense of the non-West. This paper contextualizes these developments using the popular Larson-Shevchenko framework of social identity theory. I argue that Russia not only challenges the existing order by invading countries, but seeks to undermine its normative foundations with weaponized narratives, while also cynically attempting to frame Russia's illegal actions in Ukraine as an anti-colonial response to Western hegemony.

Działania Rosji pogłębiające kryzys energetyczny w 2021 r. jako element wielokierunkowej presji na Unię Europejską

In 2021, we were faced with a combination of several factors influencing the increase in the prices of energy raw materials and, consequently, with a number of unfavorable economic phenomena, from a significant increase in the prices of electricity and heat, through increasing costs of running a business, to inflationary pressure. The failure to fill gas storage facilities in the EU differed from the actions of the Russian authorities observed in previous years. The lack of sales of additional volumes of gas deviates from the standard behavior of business entities aimed at maximizing profits during booms in their goods/services. Russia's actions on the European gas market in the second half of 2021 are part of the pattern of using energy resources as a pressure tool to achieve political goals. The article tries to answer the question: what pressure tools did Russia have at its disposal in 2021 to stimulate the energy crisis in the EU? What actions or omissions led to Russia gaining a dominant position on the EU gas market? The basic research method adopted in the article is a critical analysis of the collected materials, supplemented with forecasting, comparative and systemic analysis methods.

South American digital diplomacy: approaches before and after the Russian-Ukrainian crisis

In the digital age, diplomacy integrates traditional methods with modern tools such as social media. E-diplomacy enhances global dialogue, but struggles with misinformation and requires strategic communication. This study examined the Twitter reactions of 11 South American presidents to the Russo-Ukrainian war, specifically to Russia's aggression on 24 February 2022. Tweets from February to April 2022 were analysed using Fanpagekarma and RStudio. Engagement metrics and sentiment were assessed across three phases. The results show South America's different diplomatic approaches to the conflict. Venezuela's Maduro supported Russia, in contrast to Western views, while Argentina's Fernández emphasised diverse relations and advocated post-invasion peace. Leaders such as Lasso and da Silva had limited tweets, suggesting neutrality or a local focus. Others, including Ali and Benítez, remained silent. Castillo's tweets focused largely on Ukraine. Chile advocated international law, Brazil leaned towards neutrality, and Peru emphasised its citizens. Maduro criticised Western sanctions and the media. The Ukraine issue highlights South America's nuanced digital diplomacy, reflecting different responses to Russia's actions.

The Impact of Disinformation on the Functioning of the Rule of Law and Democratic Processes in the Eu

Disinformation and propaganda are based on the fact that the information: i) is designed to be totally or partially false, manipulated or misleading or uses unethical persuasion techniques; ii) concern a matter of public interest; (iii) is intended to generate insecurity, hostility or polarization or attempt to undermine democratic processes; iv) is disseminated and/or amplified using automatic and aggressive tools, such as social bots, artificial intelligence, micro-targeting or paid human trolls, often with the aim of increasing the public visibility of the content. Especially the systematic dissemination of disinformation by active politicians, parties or authorities is a clear and immediate threat to democracy and is disrespectful of the values of the European Union according to Article 2 TEU, because the trust in such authoritative persons is a value choice which cannot be changed by rational arguments. Moreover, deepfakes (algorithmically generated messages flooding recipients to give a false impression of political consensus) present a significant challenge for democracy, because they may sow uncertainty which may, in turn, reduce trust in news on social media and hinder civic participation in online debates. Finally, a study commissioned by the European External Antion Service, published in 2021, has focused on two more categories of disinformation: 'influence operations' by third countries, aimed at influencing a target audience using a range of illegitimate and deceptive means, and 'foreign interference', aimed at disrupting the free formation and expression of political will. Therefore, among the many issues dealt with by the EP resolution of 1 June 2023 on foreign interference in all democratic processes in the European Union, it must be mentioned the fact that foreign interference, including disinformation, is a national and cross-border security threat. Consequently, the EP has stressed the need for solidarity between the Member States so that such activities can be effectively combated, also amending Article 222 TFEU (the solidarity clause) by including foreign interference. In fact, with respect to disinformation a process of securitization is being promoted, consisting of applying security tools and discourses upon an object that was previously not identified as such. An example of this trend is represented by the specific task force set up within the European External Action Service in order to address Russia's ongoing disinformation campaigns. Another example, showing that disinformation has become a CFSP issue, is the Council regulation (EU) 2022/350 of 1 March 2022, based on Council decision (CFSP) 2022/351, concerning restrictive measures in view of Russia's actions destabilizing the situation in Ukraine. However, when determining the focus and political actions of the EU against disinformation, two opposing logics – securitization and self-regulation – coexist and compete. As a result, the EU is promoting a discourse linking disinformation to security, exceptionality and geopolitical strategies, but being lax at the same time with the obligations and responsibilities of the digital platform companies. Received: 25 December 2023 / Accepted: 25 February 2024 / Published: 23 April 2024

PELANGGARAN PRINSIP-PRINSIP PIAGAM PBB 1945 DALAM SERANGAN MILITER RUSIA KE WILAYAH UKRAINA

In international law, an independent and sovereign state has an obligation to respect another state such as not intervening, respecting territorial integrity, and resolving international disputes peacefully. The conflict between Russia and Ukraine attracted world attention since 2014 when Russia annexed the territory of Crimea, Ukraine which made a referendum and resulted in Crimea joining Russia. In 2022, the relations between Russia and Ukraine had problem because Russia did military operations by detonating bombs on several cities in Ukraine. The action raised questions about how the general principles of international law works that every independent state should respect. This paper examines the conflict relations between Russia and Ukraine against the general principles of international law based on the 1945 UN Charter. This paper used qualitative research with normative juridical research methods. The result of this paper is that the military operation by Russia does not reflect the implementation and respect of Article 2 paragraph (4) and Article 2 paragraph (7) of the UN Charter regarding the prohibition of using armed violence and acting to intervene in other countries. Also, Russia's actions unfulfilled the self-defense criteria specified by Article 51 of the UN Charter.

RESEARCH OF INNOVATIONS IN THE BANKING SECTOR OF FOREIGN COUNTRIES AND THE POSSIBILITY OF THEIR IMPLEMENTATION IN UKRAINE

The article reveals the peculiarities of the functioning of the domestic banking system and examines the latest innovative solutions in the banking sector of the leading countries of the world for the period from 2020 to 2024. The prerequisites for the most popular innovative solutions and ideas in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic are revealed. The author analyzes the situations that have contributed to instability, including the constant interference of cybercriminals and Russia's military actions against Ukraine.
 The author systematizes the main directions of development of innovations in the global banking sector and analyzes the possibilities of implementing the most promising ones in the functioning of Ukrainian banking institutions and ensuring their financial security.
 The author presents the signs and criteria of innovation and provides examples of an innovative approach to solving issues in the internal processes of banking activities. It is determined that the main features of banking innovations are: the presence of social and economic results, reduction of banking costs, reduction of banking risks, increase in the level of liquidity of banking institutions, the presence of unique consumer properties, globalization of banking institutions and increase in labor productivity in the banking sector. The author studies the trends of transformations in the digital component of the banking sector. Innovations in customer experience and marketing innovations in the global banking sector are analyzed.
 The main directions of development of the banking sector in the context of leading banking institutions are structured, direct ideas and solutions to modern economic challenges of both global and local scales are presented. Innovations in the internal processes of banking institutions in 2020-2023 in Poland, the USA and Spain are revealed.

Some issues of the status and functioning of the United Nations human rights monitoring mission in Ukraine

Today, the United Nations plays a leading role in the development of international law and cooperation among the world's states. Member states have pledged to realize their rights and fulfill their obligations under the UN Charter. The main objectives of the UN are envisaged in Article 1 of the Charter, where the key provision relating to human rights is reflected in paragraph 3 of Article 1. According to it, the UN aims to achieve international cooperation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural and humanitarian character and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction of race, sex, language or religion [1]. As it can be seen, the Charter only calls on states parties to promote the protection of human rights, without establishing clear obligations to protect and guarantee them.
 Since 2014, i.e. since Russia launched its war against Ukraine, the aggressor has not stopped committing crimes against our country and our people. Russia's actions encroach not only on the sovereignty of our state, but also on human rights and freedoms. Under such circumstances, the international community cannot stand aside from these events. Many international human rights organizations have offices in Ukraine. Among them is the UN. On 31.07.2014, the Government of Ukraine and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights signed an agreement on the deployment of a short-term UN human rights monitoring mission in Ukraine.
 The legal status of UN monitoring missions in legal science has not been the subject of a separate study. Certain aspects of the activities and competence of such missions have been considered in the works of such scholars as I.A. Shumilo [14], F. Megre [13], K. Boyle [12] and others, which are devoted to the coverage of international mechanisms for the protection of human rights and freedoms, the status of the UN General Assembly and the UN Human Rights Council. Therefore, the task set out in this article is to analyze and establish the specifics of the legal status of the UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission (hereinafter - the Mission), in particular, the one established for Ukraine, and the limits of the Mission's powers under the UN Charter, UN General Assembly resolutions, and international agreements between UN agencies and Ukraine. Therefore, the relevance of this article is beyond doubt. It has been established that the purpose of the Mission is to facilitate cooperation between the Government of Ukraine and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (hereinafter - OHCHR)[2] and it plays the role of a subsidiary mechanism for the protection of human rights and freedoms within the UN. The conclusions of the mission will undoubtedly serve as a convincing additional evidence base for Ukraine in international judicial and other bodies in protecting its interests and establishing the guilt of the Russian Federation for actions committed against our country.

Russia’s war strategy: what Chechnya suggests for Ukraine

ABSTRACT While the decision to invade all of Ukraine and Russia’s atrocious behavior and disastrous performance in the war may seem surprising and even irrational, Russia has in fact followed patterns that it used in the recent past with the two Chechen wars of 1994–1996 and 1999–2009. In this article, we compare key similarities and differences in the two Russo-Chechen wars and the current war on Ukraine by analyzing three aspects of the wars: Russian political strategy in the territories, Russian military strategy and conduct, and the Russian state’s approach to war-related information and media campaigns. By drawing these comparisons, we hope to show how Russia’s past war strategies in Chechnya might shed light on outcomes in Ukraine. In addition, in showing the similarities between Russian actions in Chechnya and Ukraine we highlight the argument that Russia is treating Ukraine not as a sovereign state, but as a part of Russia.

Current Issues of Peace and Security Taking Into Account Aggressive Policy of the Russian Federation

This article examines the issue of violation of the principle of territorial integrity (integrity) or political independence of states from 1946 to 2022. The approach is based on the study and understanding of domestic and foreign literary sources, statistics, legal acts. So, the historic, comparative, formal juridical and prognostic methods will be used. Russia gained the status of an independent entity in the international arena immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Almost immediately, it began to show signs of aggression. To promote its geopolitical ambitions, it uses gaps in international law, information and psychological measures, corruption, mercenaries, collaborators, blackmail, the law of force, and tries to rewrite history. The course of military conflicts involving Russia in Moldova, Chechnya, Georgia, Syria and Ukraine shows that the scale of violations of international treaties, human rights and the rules of warfare has increased in line with the strengthening of its military capabilities. During the hostilities on the territory of independent Ukraine, Russia showed a complete list of signs of aggression, as defined by UN General Assembly Resolution 3314 (XXIX) of December 14, 1974. This shows that before the armed attack on Ukraine, the aggressor was convinced that it could not be brought to justice and punished. It also hoped that his next victim would not be able to receive international political, economic, military and social assistance. Some actions of Russia in the international arena have signs of state terrorism. During the last ten years, a fascist regime has formed in Russia. The abuse of the veto did not lead to the expulsion of the aggressor country from the UN SC.
 To stop Russia’s aggression and prevent similar developments in the future, the issues of improving international law, bringing to justice the political and military leadership of the republic of Belarus and Russia, improving the UN Charter, the powers of the UN General Assembly, depriving Russia of the right to participate in peacekeeping operations.

Ignorance, indifference, or incompetence: why are Russian covert actions so easily unmasked?

ABSTRACT Although plausible deniability is a definitional characteristic of covert actions, numerous Russian actions have been unveiled and attributed to Russia over the past decade. The reason for these frequent revelations can be explained by three factors: ignorance, indifference, and incompetence. Russian actions often display ignorance about the reactions they might elicit, indifference to global opinion if they are caught, and incompetence that allows foreign governments to unpeel the sometimes thin veneer of clandestinity that is supposed to cover Russian actions. Frequent revelations based on a combination of those factors have given Russia a reputation of aggressiveness in the international arena, while also limiting Russia’s own actions, even in overt areas such as diplomacy and economic relations, because of that reputation.

Attitudes Of Egyptian Audiences Towards Russian- Ukrainian’s War

Public opinion regarding international conflicts plays a crucial role in shaping global diplomatic strategies and media discourse. Understanding how different socio-political contexts influence attitudes towards such conflicts is essential for informed decision-making and policy formulation. This study aims to explore the attitudes and perceptions of the Egyptian audience towards the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, focusing on their support for Ukraine's sovereignty, opinions on Russia's actions, and the influence of media coverage. A cross-sectional survey was conducted among 250 respondents in Egypt, utilizing a structured questionnaire. Statistical analyses including correlation, regression, ANOVA, and reliability analysis (Cronbach’s Alpha) were employed to analyze the data collected. The findings indicate a strong sentiment among the Egyptian audience in support of Ukraine’s sovereignty (75.6% strongly agree) and disapproval of Russia’s actions (49.6% strongly disagree). Media emerged as a significant influencer, with a majority of respondents citing its role in shaping their perceptions of the conflict. The study underscores the influential role of media in shaping public opinion and highlights the need for balanced reporting during international crises. Policymakers can leverage these insights to align diplomatic strategies with public sentiment effectively, fostering transparency and trust in international relations.

Analysis of Russia's policy in the Middle East in 2000-2023 in the works of foreign researchers.

The article is devoted to the scientific consideration of foreign researchers' views on the issues and prospects of military-political, trade-economic and socio-cultural relations of the Russian Federation with the countries of the Middle East during the presidency of V.V. Putin and D.A. Medvedev from 2000 to 2023. The paper aims to identify the main points of view of foreign researchers on the issues and prospects of military-political, trade, economic, social and cultural relations of the Russian Federation with the Middle East countries during the presidency of V.V. Putin and D.A. Medvedev in 2000-2023. The purpose of the work is to highlight the main points of view on Russia's Middle East policy and identify the key areas of interest among foreign researchers. The object of the study is to examine the geopolitical significance of the region and the ways in which this significance is reflected in the studies of foreign scholars. The subject is the views of foreign researchers on Russia's policy in the Middle East. The article analyzes the differences and similarities in the interpretations of the effectiveness and consequences of Russia's actions in the region. The study is based on the principles of objectivity, systematicity and consistency. The main conclusions of the paper are that foreign researchers have different attitudes towards Russia's policy in the Middle East. Some see this policy as a constructive approach to developing relations with all countries in the region, while others point to Russia's desire to strengthen its influence and interests in certain countries and, at the same time, Russia's attempt to upset the already fragile balance of power in the region, which is considered one of the most tense and unstable in the world.

ТЕНДЕНЦІЇ ТА ПЕРСПЕКТИВИ РОЗВИТКУ ТУРИЗМУ: УКРАЇНА ТА СВІТ

The article examines the peculiarities of the development of the tourism industry in the current crisis conditions. Scientific studies of the development of the world market of tourist services are analyzed. The main indicators of the tourism industry in the world and in Ukraine are given. The main trends of modern tourism business in the world are named: restoration of tourist flows after the quarantine restrictions and the COVID-19 pandemic; change of working and rest time formats due to the spread of the separated work format; introduction and development of digital technologies in tourism (software, applications, services, open state data); implementation of the concept of sustainable development and greening of the tourism industry; increasing importance of safety and health; emergence and distribution of new tourist products (solo tourism, medical tourism, gastronomic, scientific, military, sports and green tourism, etc.); the impact of political crises, militarization of countries' economies, political instability, danger and military conflicts. The impact of Russia's military actions on the development of international tourism is associated with a decrease in security and the level of trust of consumers of tourist services; the growth of inflation and the decrease in the economic growth of countries; increasing threats to business and jobs due to the destruction of communications, losses and disruptions in supply chains, the energy crisis. Global crises and problems of the world order require constant development and innovation in the field of tourism. Today, the tourism industry in the world and in Ukraine, in particular, is undergoing major transformations, changing strategies and ways of solving crisis phenomena, such as political instability, military actions, problems with energy carriers, climate change and the pandemic. We consider it promising for further research to develop and implement theoretical and methodological support for local and regional programs for the development of the tourism industry of Ukraine in war and post-war conditions, the restoration of recreational, historical, cultural and tourist potential in order to increase the tourist attractiveness of Ukraine; creation of a database on the loss of destruction of tourist objects of Ukraine as a result of the war; use and development of digital technologies and tools in tourism.