Action In Syria Research Articles

The Circle of Bare Life: Hizballah, Muqawamah and Rejecting ‘Being Thus’

ABSTRACTThis article explores the emergence of Hizballah, the Party of God, and the development of its ideas of resistance at a local and regional level. It begins by considering the emergence of Hizballah and the Lebanese context through the lens of Giorgio Agamben’s work on bare life. It suggests that these conditions existed in Lebanon—amidst the Shi’a community—and asks how people came together to reject the condition of ‘being thus’. Conventional approaches suggest that this occurred through Hizballah’s ideas of resistance, yet this has largely been under-conceptualized. To do this, it looks at the role of the Karbala Narrative in helping the group draw support from Shi’a Muslims in Lebanon, while also locating itself at the vanguard of resistance in the Middle East. With the emergence of Da’ish in the summer of 2014, this position was challenged. By reflecting on speeches from prominent Hizballah figures, the severity of the threat can be seen, justifying the Party of God’s involvement in Syria. It concludes by arguing that the need to maintain its geopolitical influence has required military action in Syria, which has ultimately led to the creation of bare life.

EU SOCIAL POLICY: CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS

Introduction. Reform of the social policy is one of the most important issues not only for individual the EU Member States but for the EU as a whole. The economic integration in the absence of adequate social protection means the growth of inequality, insecurity and marginalization among EU citizens. Areas of solving economic and social problems, which worsened in recent years because of military action in Syria and Ukraine and exit of the UK out of the EU (Brexit), should be aimed at preserving the EU single market, reforming the labour market and social policies. Purpose. The article aims to assess the trends and problems of implementation of government social policy and social protection in the EU and to identify areas of social policy reforming. Results. The classification of social policy models has been proposed. Analysis of current trends in social protection has been carried out. The spending for social protection in the EU has been estimated. On the basis of research the problems in EU social policy have been outlined. The ways of its reforming have been determined.

СТАТИСТИЧЕСКИЙ АНАЛИЗ ВРЕМЕННЫХ ХАРАКТЕРИСТИК ЛОКАЛЬНЫХ КОНФЛИКТОВ И ВОЕННЫХ РАСХОДОВ (НАПРИМЕРЕ РОССИИ И США)

The distribution of military conflicts duration, the calculation of their average and median duration and the forecast of conflicts in future have been conducted based on the statistical analysis of most military conflicts in the XX–XXI centuries (up to the end of 2016). The unpredictability of military conflicts duration and useless of their accurate forecast have been grounded. The portion of periods when military conflicts occurred in the USSR and Russia during ХХ–ХХI centuries has been determined. The dynamics of military expenditure trends and its share in the GDP of the USA and Russia have been analyzed. The tendency to the GDP slowdown associated with the participation in military conflicts has been observed. The trend to increase military expenditures has also been revealed. The forecast of absolute values, GDP growth trends and military expenditures of Russia and the USA has been made using autoregression and trend models. The conception to create a special military fund to accumulate recourses to insure a country from different risks in current and future military campaigns has been suggested. The structure of expenditures on military campaigns has been analyzed. The examples of high costs of a country participation in military conflicts and full-scale wars in the case study of the USA have been given. The influence of military expenditures on an economic growth in a country has been studied based on the criticism of the “broken windows” effect. The positive effect to increase military expenditures on the social-economic development of a country to strengthen the security and to transfer military developments to a civil sector has been observed. The necessity to manage GDP dynamics due to military expenditures increase has been grounded. The future researches will concern the size of a special military fund and the speed of its increase. Keywords military conflict, expenditures, duration, a model, autoregression, resources, forecast, economic growth, GDP, fund, the expected duration, the broken windows theory.

Stages and new conceptual tools for legitimizing military intervention

This paper delves into the problem of aggression in Turkish foreign-policy discourse on Syria which tries to legitimize a military operation. In order to understand how the policymaking preferences of a military operation are legitimized and promoted in governmental discourse, 166 governmental texts, from 2011 to 2013, are investigated in terms of the implementation of strategies proposed by several scholars (van Leeuwen and Wodak 1999; Reisigl and Wodak 2001, 2009; van Leeuwen 2007, 2008; Reyes 2011). The results show that the increasing willingness of the Turkish government to take military action in Syria is systematically operationalized in several stages within each type of legitimation strategy (van Leeuwen and Wodak 1999) to overcome international reluctance and provide support for a prospective conflict. At the end of the paper, the results are evaluated in light of recent political developments for a comprehensive understanding of the meaning and limits of the strategies implemented.

PHENOMENON OF “FOREIGN FIGHTERS” AS A THREAT OF THE SPREAD OF TERRORISM IN THE GREAT BRITAIN

The problem of the spread of terrorism in the UK is investigated in the article. The author sees into the phenomenon of “foreign fighters” as one of the most important factors that comes as the main threat to international security, and studies the policy of Great Britain towards foreign fighters. The approach to the struggle against foreign fighters in the UK is divided into two segments: preventing the travel of a citizen, who aims to join the armed action in Syria and restricting the return home of those foreign fighters that have a potential to commit terrorist attacks in the UK. Within these approaches, there is a number of strict measures, taken by security services: the confiscation of passports, deprivation of citizenship of those persons who received it by naturalisation and who has dual citizenship, along with soft measures: the program for peaceful reintegration Channel, that is aimed at returning militants, who wish to de-radicalize and return to a normal life. However, despite having a wide range of tough measures towards foreign fighters, the UK needs to continue its work on the policies within the framework of counterterrorism and cooperate with the rest of European community to improve efficiency of its approach.

From Illiberal to Incorrigible: A New Strategy for Humanitarian Enforcement Action in Syria

The Syrian civil war has caused heartbreaking human suffering. Proponents of decisive action to end this suffering have tended to frame their case in terms of liberal values such as democracy, human rights and the rule of law. In framing the humanitarian issue in this way, advocates of UN Security Council involvement have emphasized the illiberality of the ‘Assad regime’ in order to promote the acceptability of coercive enforcement action under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. I argue that this rationale is counterproductive as it guarantees that the Russian Federation will veto any proposal for Chapter VII measures. Russia favours an inclusive Syrian-led political solution to the Syrian civil war and fears that any invocation of Chapter VII will provide Western powers with carte blanche for regime change, effectively repeating – in Russia’s eyes – NATO’s action in Libya in 2011. This article offers an alternative way of framing arguments for humanitarian enforcement action that is intended to side-step Russia’s objections. This strategic re-framing replaces the logic of illiberality with the logic of incorrigibility. This strategy takes its inspiration from Michel Foucault’s work on disciplinary power, making an admittedly unorthodox use of Foucauldian analytics to do so. The incorrigibility strategy seeks to bypass Russian fears about regime change by adopting a threshold for Chapter VII action based on a measured phenomenon – the repeated failure by the parties to correct their behaviour in line with UNSC prescriptions. Apart from providing a threshold for enforcement action, the logic of incorrigibility also shapes the eventual Chapter VII measures taken because it focuses on correcting the parties’ behaviour and because it yields highly specified and relatively controllable mandates for coercive action which limit states’ interpretation of what is required of them to carry out the UNSC’s decisions.

Priming Assad: An Experiment of Ethnic Priming and Attitudes Toward Military Action in Syria

Americans’ low level of support for intervening in Syria presents a puzzle, raising questions about how democracies approach conflict. Scholars have noted that the US’s public may need to view opponents in conflict as different from themselves before military force is used. But what is the tipping point between perceiving someone as “one of us” or “one of them?” Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s actions fit the model of a villain, but his appearance represents a divergence from recent leaders cast as enemies of the United States. Using a unique experiment examining citizen evaluations of the Syrian crisis, we demonstrate that a subtle manipulation, darkening Assad’s skin tone, led respondents to view him more negatively, as well as increasing support for US intervention to effect regime change. The effect was magnified among subjects with more ethnocentric beliefs. Our experiment’s findings have implications for racial priming, ethnocentrism, and American foreign policy.

Legality of the use of force in Syria against Islamic State and the Khorasan Group

This article critically examines the legality of the use of force in Syria against Islamic State and the Khorasan Group by the US-led coalition and what this reveals about the current scope of the law of self-defence. The author starts by considering Security Council Resolution 2249 and consent as possible justifications for the coalition's use of force. Following this, the justification of self-defence is analysed. The requirement of an occurrence of an armed attack for the claims of collective and individual self-defence is inspected. A further hurdle for the legality of the use of force in Syria is that the international law governing when a state can use self-defence against non-state actors acting outside the state's control is generally unsettled. This article canvases the status quo before scrutinising the justifications invoked by states involved and the international reaction to the use of force in Syria against Islamic State. Subsequent state practice is also examined. Analysis indicates that while there has been general acceptance of the military action in Syria, it is not sufficient to constitute meaningful opinio juris. Thus, this instance is not demonstrative of crystallisation at customary international law and consequently the use of force in Syria is illegal.

PARMENION’S MISSION IN DAMASCUS: THE ROLE OF SUBSIDIARY DIRECTION IN SOLVING STRATEGIC TASKS

The article highlights the contribution of Parmenion’s actions in Syria to implementation of the strategy of Alexander the Great. After the victory of the Macedonian army over the troops of the Persian king Darius III in the battle of Issus, Parmenion with a small cavalry corps was sent to Damascus. His purpose was to capture a rich treasure of Persian king, which was stored in this city. After accomplishing the mission successfully, Parmenion remained in Damascus as a satrap of Kelesyria. He provided control of the conquerors over the region, fostering the advancement of the Macedonian army to the south. During that period Alexander was in a difficult situation caused by the domination of the Persian fleet in the Mediterranean Sea and invasion of Persian cavalry in Asia Minor. To overcome the strategic crisis, Alexander had to capture the Phoenician city Tyre. The siege of the city lasted from January to July 332 B.C. Parmenion contributed to the success of this operation, controlling Damascus – the major crossroads and center of the fertile oasis. When the siege of Tyre was coming to its end, Parmenion with his army joined the basic forces of Alexander’s army.

Rising powers and the responsibility to protect: will the norm survive in the age of BRICS?

What is the view of the BRICS countries regarding the international community's Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) against civilian atrocities? This article revisits the debate on international humanitarian action in Libya and Syria in 2011–2012; a time with BRICS states as members of the United Nation Security Council. While BRICS countries from the outset had different views on RtoP, the experiences of the Libyan intervention led to a unanimous reluctance to initiate any humanitarian action in Syria. We find, however, that all BRICS except Russia in general are positive to the RtoP concept and are willing to participate in further developments to specify how and when it applies. On the basis of our analysis, we expect that RtoP will continue to be an important feature of international relations but that it primarily will be used against non-state actors and that the behaviour of the interveners may be subjected to UNSC scrutiny.

THE UK GOVERNMENT‘S LEGAL OPINION ON FORCIBLE MEASURES IN RESPONSE TO THE USE OF CHEMICAL WEAPONS BY THE SYRIAN GOVERNMENT

AbstractOn 29 August 2013, the UK government published a memorandum setting out its ‘position regarding the legality of military action in Syria following the chemical weapons attack in Eastern Damascus on 21 August 2013’. While other States had contemplated some form of military action, most notably the US, none had been as clear and candid as to the legal basis upon which this would be launched. It might seem in this respect perhaps a little surprising that the UK decided in its relatively brief opinion that ‘the legal basis for military action would be humanitarian intervention’. As this article will attempt to highlight, this basic justification is far from uncontroversial. This short article will seek to be clear as to what the UK's legal position exactly was, whether and how this position can be reconciled with the lex lata governing the use of force for humanitarian purposes and its immediate impact upon it, and finally offer some reflections upon the contribution the opinion and its central legal argument has made to future legal argumentation in this area.

Cold War Resurgence: The Case of Syrian Uprising

Despite the appeals for a united and concerted action to resolve the armed conflict in Syria, the Security Council has failed to initiate actions that can ensure peace to the troubled country. This is principally due to the negative votes of some of the permanent members. The Syrian conflict and the behavior of the permanent members are reminiscent of the Cold War that featured a bipolar political rivalry between the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Two decades after the purportedly end of the Cold War, an unprecedented region-wide uprising began in the Arab world. Russia as the continuation of the former Soviet Union (although in different political and territorial terms), today defines its action in Syria in terms of its own national interests. The pursuit of such interests by these great powers has made Syria a theatre for high power diplomatic horse-trading reminiscent of the Cold War. This paper examines the manner the Syrian crisis is a semblance of the superpower rivalry of the Cold War years. The paper is suggestive of an imminent resurgence of another Cold War, should the major powers fail to sink their differences in Syria.

Punitive military action in syria will just prolong the suffering

As news of the recent alleged chemical weapons attacks in Syria emerged, a health worker in Damascus said he wished there was as much discussion on how to help those affected by the attacks as there was about who was to blame. We at the global health charity Medact understand all too well his frustration.

The Enduring Power of Isolationism: An Historical Perspective

Are Americans becoming more “isolationist”? Four years ago, for the first time since the Vietnam War, almost half of those polled by the Pew Research Center stated they would rather the United States “mind [its] own business internationally and let other countries get along the best they can on their own” and work to “reduce military commitments overseas” in order to decrease the deficit. Such cautious views about American involvement abroad are on the rise, up ten percentage points over the past decade, according to Pew polls released in 2011 and 2012. A majority of Americans think the United States is withdrawing from Afghanistan too slowly and are reticent to take direct action in Syria. This article explains the long historical context of these recent events to argue for the enduring power and significance of isolationist thought.

China and the “Responsibility to Protect”: The Implications of the Libyan Intervention

The emerging principle of the “responsibility to protect” (R2P) challenges China's traditional emphasis on non-intervention in the domestic affairs of other states and non-use of force. This article considers the impact of the 2011 Libyan intervention on Beijing's evolving relationship with R2P, and assesses its implications for the future development of the doctrine itself. It argues that China's decision to allow the passage of Security Council resolution 1973, which authorized force in Libya, was shaped by an unusual set of political and factual circumstances, and does not represent a significant softening of Chinese attitudes towards R2P. More broadly, controversy over the scope of NATO's military action in Libya has raised questions about R2P's legitimacy, which have contributed to a lack of timely international action in Syria. In the short term, this post-Libya backlash against R2P is likely to constrain the Security Council's ability to respond decisively in civilian protection situations.

Introduction: Special Operations Executive – New Approaches and Perspectives

Readers of this journal might ask why there is a need to dedicate an entire issue to the study of the Special Operations Executive (SOE), the organization famously tasked by Churchill to ‘set Europ...

The Litani River of Lebanon

MORE forcefully than ever, politicians and analysts assert that the next casus belli in the Middle East will be control and use of water. Security of water supply is becoming at least as important as territorial security. Thus resolution of water-related issues is essential for the success of the Arab-Israeli peace process. Many Israeli policymakers view the water supply from the Litani River as a promising solution to their country's impending water crisis. However, the Litani River, whose entire basin is in Lebanon, is crucial for rebuilding and effectively integrating that country in the post-civil-war period. Specifically, the waters of the Litani are essential for agricultural and industrial development of southern Lebanon. This competition for water, a prized resource in a water-scarce region, makes the river a potential source of serious international conflict in the future and complicates the resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The conceptual premise of the analysis presented here is that countries suffering from resource scarcities, be they perceived or real, tend to reach beyond their borders. If access to foreign resources is obstructed or denied, countries with superior capabilities seek to establish such access by pressures that may range from peaceful interactions such as trade agreements to coercive actions involving the military (North 1977; Gurr 1985). HYDROPOLITICS OF THE MIDDLE EAST The regional context is one of potential conflict between states in the basins of the Jordan, Nile, Euphrates, and other rivers. Riparian states share a substantial percentage of their surface water resources with neighboring states. The diverse and opposing ethno-religious groups, which include Turks, Arabs, and Israeli Jews, exacerbate the situation. For example, in the late 1970s, a water pipeline from the Nile River to the barren Israeli Negev desert was proposed by Egyptian President Anwar el-Sadat. However, that gesture of peace prompted negative responses in Egypt, Israel, Ethiopia, and Sudan. In Egypt, planners asserted that the waters of the Nile would be insufficient to meet their own country's future needs. Although many Israelis were optimistic about the proposal, some officials objected because they thought it was dangerous to depend on a former enemy and untried friend for such a vital resource (Gerti 1979). Ethiopia reacted by declaring its intent to construct dams on the Blue Nile, the largest tributary of the Nile, which led Sadat to threaten military intervention (Starr 1991). Relations between the two countries were tested again in 1989, when it was rumored that Ethiopia, with Israeli aid, was building dams on the Blue Nile. The recent end of the civil war in Ethiopia and the potential settlement of the conflict in southern Sudan bode ill for Egypt, a downstream state. Political stability and rapid population growth in drought-prone upstream countries will likely result in further efforts to harness the Nile drainage to improve their agricultural and manufacturing sectors. The Euphrates River rises in Turkey and crosses both Syria and Iraq before emptying into the Persian Gulf. All three countries depend in some measure on the river for economic development, Iraq and Syria perhaps more so than Turkey, simply because the latter has significantly more alternative surface water resources. Turkey recently completed the mammoth Ataturk Dam on the Euphrates, the first in a series of seven dams on that river (Kolars and Mitchell 1991). Relations between the three riparian states deteriorated when Turkey diverted the water from the Euphrates during January 1990 to fill the massive reservoir. Consequences of that action in Syria and Iraq included power shortages, water rationing, and failed crops. In 1975 Iraq mobilized its armed forces against Syria, and war was narrowly averted, when Syria reduced the flow of the Euphrates to fill the al-Thawra Reservoir. If Turkey and Syria implement all their development plans along the Euphrates, at least fifteen billion cubic meters of water may be extracted for irrigation. …