Acres In Extent Research Articles

Reading the Rookery: The Social Meaning of an Irish Slum in Nineteenth-Century London

Located at the southern area of St. Giles at the northwest end of Drury Lane, the St. Giles “Rookery” was the first and the most notorious Irish district in nineteenth-century London. About eight acres in extent, the Rookery was a perpetually decaying slum seemingly always on the verge of social and economic collapse; in her study of the Irish in Victorian Britain, Lynn Hollen Lees described it as “one of the foulest places in London.” At the heart of this sprawling settlement was a tangled mass of alleys and walkways, which became known during the eighteenth century as the “Irish Rookery” or “Little Dublin.” As the names suggest, the residents were almost entirely of Irish extraction; the district often served as the first accommodation for those newly arrived in the city. This was in part because, as Roger Swift notes, “it had a reputation in Ireland for being generous in poor relief,” although—in Swift’s account, at least—this generosity had an unfortunate side effect of attracting “the least desirable Irish who quickly became demoralized and absorbed into a rookery of thieves and beggars.” Even by the standards of the time, living conditions at St. Giles were appalling. As Thomas Beames noted in an account from 1852, “Rookeries are bad, but what are they to Irish Rookeries?” As with many other sites of urban deprivation in London, the Rookery was built on the site of an old leper colony, and was organized around a series of interlinked galleried courts that were essentially medieval in origin. It was this confusion of alleys that suggested to the curious observer the image of the labyrinth, dark and impenetrable. Charles Knight’s extensive report of 1842 describes the Rookery as “one great maze of narrow crooked paths crossing and intersecting in labyrinthine convolutions.” Similarly, John Timbs’s retrospective account from 1855 recalled that the district was

Modern Urban Parks

In July 1893 the commissioners of the Golden Gate Park in San Francisco reported the creation of a field for athletic games in the park. The new recreational valley was twenty acres in extent, enclosed by slightly rising grounds and studded with pines on three of its sides. . . . [It will be] a beautiful lawn where foot-ball and base-ball will not only be permitted but encouraged. Benches will be placed under the trees, which furnish an inviting shade for the convenience and comfort of the thousands who go there to witness and engage in these sports (SFBPC 1893, 13). A seemingly commonplace public notice, this statement nevertheless announced a fundamental change in the park. Only a few years prior, a specialized, intentionally enclosed area with distinct uses by specific segments of society would not have been permitted in the park. Social-spatial divisions would have been seen as anathema. The local society, however, was modernizing, and its park spaces were changing along with it. One characteristic of modernizing urban societies has been a tendency toward increasing complexity through segmentation and specialization. Modernity stresses greater complexity through the creation of new social groups and hierarchical divisions for both production and consumption. The source of the trend is the modernist search for increased efficiency, quantifiability, predictability, and control (Ritzer 1993). In concert with the additional social divisions has come a corresponding increase in the number and type of spatial segments (Tuan 1982; Sack 1986). That is, a historical examination of modern social geography, especially urbanization, reveals an expanding diversity of places, regions, territories, and landscapes. But what about the natural world? Do those places treated as natural by the members of modernity have increasingly complex, segmented geographies? Although nature is often positioned as the antithesis of culture, there is no reason to assume that natural places would not be subject to the space-segmenting tendencies of modernity. Numerous scholars from diverse intellectual backgrounds have pointed out the social-cultural constitution of nature (Evernden 1992). Nature is the reification of a bafflingly complex set of geographically diffuse parts and processes. To label this complex is to create a sense of wholeness where none may exist. Because the definition of that whole occurs in a social setting, nature should be socially segmentable, subject to modernizing tendencies. In this article I argue that nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century urban parks such as Central Park in Manhattan, Prospect Park in Brooklyn, and Forest Park in St. Louis underwent modernization. I examine in detail the process of spatial segmentation and specialization between 1880 and 1920 through the study of a typical example of the period, Golden Gate Park in San Francisco. Specifically, new spatial segments and social uses replaced earlier ones in the eastern end of that park. The geographical changes were linked to a shift in the beliefs of an influential elite. These ideas and their relationships to parks are detailed in three examples of the segmentation of Golden Gate Park after 1880: the new uses of ornamental plants, the first playground, and the development of athletics. Finally, the persistence of rationalistic notions into the 1990s addresses the significance of modernization in urban parks. PARKS AND SOCIETY From the 1850s through the 1920s the outspoken proponents of parks in San Francisco were an elite of largely middle- to upper-middle-class, native-born, white men. The values and voice of that group were the most influential in determining the character of the city's parks. The working classes, foreign born, nonwhites, and women had influence that was less effectual in San Francisco, as was the case elsewhere (Cranz 1982; Rosenzweig and Blackmar 1992). However, the narrow base of this elite did not necessarily preclude its ideas about parks from resonating with many individuals in the larger society. …

Unusual Buildings at Wood Lane End, Hemel Hempstead, Herts

The Roman site at Wood Lane End is situated on the east side of Hemel Hempstead (TL 082079) adjacent to the Industrial Estate and close to the MI intersection (FIG. I). It occupies the plateau on a 450 ft. contour about midway between the rivers Ver and Gade. Close by the land dips in a south-easterly direction to form the start of a shallow valley running across the Gorhambury estate towards Verulamium three miles away. The site is equidistant ( 2½ miles) between the Roman villas at Gorhambury outside Verulamium and Gadebridge situated alongside the Gade stream just to the north of Hemel Hempstead. The subsoil is of the Batcombe series—a pebbly loam over a bedrock of clay with flint. In places small pockets of gravel are encountered while occasionally fingers of chalk rise close to the surface. As elsewhere on the plateau the subsoil is surprisingly well drained, the drainage of the area being towards the Ver valley. The soil is suited to arable cultivation though its productive capacity is limited by the varying degrees of stoniness. The earliest cartographic evidence of the Wood Lane End area comes from the Tithe apportionment map of 1843 (DSA4/48). It would appear then that the site was located in a field called Hales Wood, but despite its name it was classified as arable, and was 7·021 acres in extent. None of the adjacent field names gives any indication of Roman or earlier features and neither do the boundaries of the 1843 map reflect the alignment of the Roman buildings. They relate solely to the roads, as shown on the nineteenth-century map.

The Tabasco Story

Abstract The name Tabasco has become synonymous around the world with the famous hot sauce by this name, made from ‘Tabasco’ peppers (Capsicum frutescens L.). This aromatic sauce, widely used to enhance the flavor of many fresh and cooked foods, is made by the Mcllhenny Company of Avery Island, Louisiana. The pepper itself is named after the state in Mexico whence it probably came. It was introduced into Louisiana about 1846. Mention was made of its culture and use in a letter to the editors of the New Orleans Daily Delta of December 7, 1849. In this letter entitled “Deer Range - A Model Sugar Plantation” a visitor from the Northwest (St. Louis) praised his congenial host and owner of the plantation, Colonel Maunsel White, for his hospitality and his superior management which “excited our warmest admiration.” His observations on Tabasco peppers are quoted verbatim: “I must not omit to notice the Colonel's pepper patch, which is two acres in extent, all planted with a new species of red pepper, which Colonel White has introduced into the country, called Tobasco red pepper. The Colonel attributes the admirable health of his hands to the free use of this pepper.”

The Excavation of a Durotrigian Farmstead near Tollard Royal in Cranbourne Chase, Southern England

The site whose excavation is here recorded is a small kite-shaped enclosure all but obliterated by ploughing. It is situated (ST (179) 942197; 6-inch sheet ST 91 NW) at the southern tip of a spur known as Berwick Down 1 mile north of the village of Tollard Royal on the borders of Wiltshire and Dorset. It is surrounded on its south or downhill side by a semi-circular bank and ditch. The locality has been recently described briefly by H. C. Bowen and P. Fowler whose plan (1966, 46–8, fig. 2) is here reproduced (fig. 2). The other two sites occupying the 16 acres of the spur comprise:(1) An Iron Age settlement to the north consisting of a concentration of unenclosed pits, a large round house demarcated by a pennanular palisade groove and two cross-dykes.(2) A circular enclosure 2½ acres in extent containing Romano-British hut platforms and crossed in its southern sector by a modern fence. To the north of this fence the earthworks have never been ploughed and are in a state of preservation, only too rarely found in southern England. To the south of the fence the downland has been heavily ploughed over a number of years.The earthworks of the kite-shaped enclosure had become so degraded that in 1962 the Ministry of Public Building and Works initiated a trial excavation under the direction of Mr E. Greenfield. With the assistance of Miss V. Russell, Mr Greenfield covered the area with a 10 foot grid of test-holes which were expanded into trenches when required. In 1965 the site was put down to grass and the earthworks planned in the spring by members of the Royal Commission on Historical Monuments, by which time the bank and ditch of the kite-shaped enclosure were virtually invisible. In August and September of that year the interior of the enclosure was completely stripped by the author on behalf of the Ministry of Public Building and Works.

Nuristanske sølvpokaler

Nuristanske sølvpokaler

RAPID PRODUCTION INCREASES POSSIBLE ON WANGANUI HILLS

"WAIRERE", the property discussed in this paper, is 1,454 acres in extent, and situated 25 miles inland from Wanganui between the Whangaehu and Turakina rivers. It is hill country which would be classified as moderate to steep hills with an average rainfall of 41 in. The soil tends to be very light and sandy - described as Whangaehu sandy silt loam. Deep gorges reduce the productive acreage to approxi mately 1,300 acres. The 150 acres of gorges have adjacent to them 25 acres of flat which play an important part in the management of the property.

African Aspirations for Education in Rural Natal

Natal was annexed by the British in 1843 and defined areas for occupation were set aside for the various tribes. The people of the Bidla tribe (an offshoot of the Zulu) were given Ward 3, Location 2, in the Pholela District. Pholela is approximately 52,300 acres in extent, and although many hundreds of acres of land are uninhabited the average density of population of the area is about 131 per square mile which is somewhat higher than in most reserves. About 1000 African homes (umusi) are in this area today and each home contains on the average a little over seven persons. The area is bounded in the north and north east by the Umkomaas River, which plays a great part in the lives of the local people. Pholela is 44 miles from Pietermaritzburg and the same distance from the Drakensberg Mountains. Since annexation the area has shown the trend that would be duplicated in hundreds of reserves throughout the Union of South Africa--first, settlement; next, the painful development of Christianity, often transmuted by local ancestor worship and other tribal beliefs; then, the establishment of schools and the gradual undermining of the authority of the chief and the substitution of an educated elite that continues to threaten the traditional order and way of life.

The Effect of a Leaf Feeding Beetle on Big Sagebrush in British Columbia

This is a report of a startling natural phenomenon that occurred when an insect population multiplied to such proportions that it all but eliminated a common range plant over a very large area. This does not presume to give any final answers or explain why or how this situation developed, or where it will eventually end. It is designed primarily to relate what has happened to date regarding the sagebrush that has been affected. If it does nothing else it should impress upon us that nature herself sometimes takes matters into her own hands to help right the wrongs caused by man. In July 1954 a beetle identified as Trirhabda pilosa Blake, hereafter referred to as T. pilosa, was discovered by the author on big sagebrush (Artemisia tridentata Nutt) near Kamloops, British Columbia. At this time a patch of sagebrush less than two acres in extent was seen to have turned a rusty brown color. C 1 o s e r examination revealed myriads of small metallic blue larvae stripping the surface layers from the leaves. A few mature insects were collected and subsequently i d e n t i f i e d through the Field Crops Insect Laboratory, Science Service in Kamloops. Final identification was made by Mrs. D. H. Blake, who originally named the species.

Synchytrium Texanum Sp. Nov.

Synchytrium texanum is a short-cycled parasite of Plantago rhodosperma in Texas which develops large thick-walled resting spores in composite galls. These spores function as prosori in germination ...

A Study on the Sand-Pear Growing Area on the Matsukawa Fan in the Fukushima Basin

I. There is a concentrated sand-pear growing area-about 410 acres in area only in Noda-Mura, and about 860 acres including that in its neighbouring villages on the Matsukawa Fan in the south-east of the Fukushima Basin. In this report, the author intends to describe a sand-pear growing area which has been newly formed and developed centering around the middle part of the Matsukawa Fan.II. The description of the real circumstance of the sand-pear growing area on the Matsukawa Fan reveals that the core of the sand-pear raising area exists in the middle part of the fan, and the lower part is in the transitional stage. And this agricultural area has more advanced characters than that of paddy-field area. They are examined in Table 1-3.III. The problem proposedhere, in a word, is that the above mentioned situation of the fan is different from the general form that the clearing of fan area has been gegun earlier in its lower part neighbouring paddy-field area, consequently the economic level of farmers living there is higher in paddy-rice area. In this way, the reason why the difference is derived from should be revealed, and the forming process and the significance of physical features in each part of the area should be investigated.IV. The surface of the fan consists of thick deposits of gravels and sand, and the level of groundwater is very low showing 15-20 m in depth in its middle part, so that it is well drained for sand-pear growing. Paddy-culture is impossible here on account of poor irrigation and poor soil. Mulberries are the only plants that can be grown with difficulty. Such areas have been left uncultivated as “Kaya” plants (a kind of natural grass) growing places, or red pine woods, where no settlement was brought into being, until sand-pear growing has rapidly developed in groups since 1886.The Fukushima area, the eastern side of the fan, shows 11.8°C of annual air temperature and 1196.4 mm of precipitation, and has less rainfall in spring (April-June 400 mm), so that the fan area is favoured with climatic conditions suitable for the growing of sand-pear, in spite of occasional damages from strong wind, drought, and frost. Fortunately, the middle part of the fan is least suffered from damage of frost of all the parts of it. Furthermore, it is favoured with the period of shipment than other sand-pear producing regions, owing to its earlier maturing season of sand-pear (Fig. 8).V. A). In this area, the lower part of the fan could be cultivated as paddy-field 1, 000 years ago, whilethe middle part was left as an uncultivated land with bad physical conditions. Since 1850's, the increase of population, and the development of commodity economy have compelled the farmers there to adopt other farming systems or to be engaged in other occupations, and the depression of seri-culture and failure in rice growing have also afforded them the opportunities to introduce money crops, This is the background of the introduction and popularization of sand-pear growing. B). It is in 1880' s when sand-pear raising was adopted as a main farming or a kind of supplementary farming, Since 1893, the depression of seri-culutre and the higher maiket price of sand-pears had encouraged some of the farmers to culture sand-pears. They were poor farmers' second or third sons, tand abou 80 of them moved to the middle part of the fan from its neighbouring areas to clear the land for the purpose of culturing sand-pears. Thus sand-pear raising developed into the most favourable farming and its fields spread over the middle part showing 147 acres in extent in 1905, bearng no relation to the progress of paddy-fields in its lower part. C). Spurred by the good business conditions during 1918-19 and the higher price of sand-pears, the farmers in lower part of the fan converted mulberry fields to sand-pear fields, or brought waste-lands under cultivation for sand-pear raising.

The Aqueduct of Aspendos

Among the many fine antiquities of the Roman period that are preserved in Pamphylia, none is more immediately impressive than the aqueduct of Aspendos. The upper town of Aspendos occupies an oval, flat-topped hill, some 50 acres in extent and river about 60 m. above the meadows on the right bank of the Köyürirmaǧi, the ancient river Eurymedon. The rock of which the hill is composed is a coarse, pebbly conglomerate, and despite its modest height the hill-top is sharply defined, with steeply scarped slopes on all four sides. The eastern part of the Pamphylian plain, unlike the level, terraced limestones of the Antalya district, consists of gently rolling quaternary formations. The foothills of the Isaurian mountains are not far distant to the east, and there is higer ground only a short way to the north. But the site of Aspendos was cut off from the former by the Eurymedon itself, and from the latter by the wide, shelving valley of one of its western tributaries; and although the site is not one of outstanding natural strength, it was the obvious choice for a settlement in a district which, in antiquity as today, commanded the lowest practicable crossing for all land-traffic between eastern and western Pamphylia.

Small Mammal Communities of the North Scandinavian Birch Forest

This paper presents an analysis of a collection of small mammals from a number of habitats in Troms County of north Norway. The primary purpose of the work was to obtain live specimens of Clethrionomys for a genetical study of species relationships in this genus, but since the animals were collected by a standardized live-trapping technique the records yield some new information on the composition of the small mammal communities of this relatively little studied region, in a form which permits comparison with collections by similar methods from other districts. The reproductive activity of the animals is the subject of a separate study by Hoyte (1955). The collection was made in the neighbourhood of Rosta at latitude 68? 58' N., longitude 19? 42' E. This is a district of high relief on the western side of the main watershed of northern Scandinavia, where deeply cut U-shaped river valleys penetrate far inland and are separated by mountains rising to summits of about 1700 m. The floor of the valley at Rosta is only about 100 m above sea-level, although it lies some 80 km inland from the head of its fjord. To the east and south the general level of the ground rises progressively to the plateau of Swedish Lapland (Lappmark). There is in consequence a considerable variety of types of vegetation, arranged for the most part in sharply defined horizontal bands across the mountain sides, and providing major differences of habitat for the animal communities. Forests of birch, and in some places conifer, cover the valley floor and lower slopes of the mountains, except where areas have been cleared for farming. The cleared areas are discontinuous and rarely more than a few acres in extent. Above the upper limit of trees are various sub-alpine associations, which give way at still higher altitudes to a more sparse arctic-alpine type of vegetation. The area studied included a part of the valley floor and the northern slope and summit plateau of Kamnasfjell, a low mountain mass to the south of Rosta. The estimated vertical range of this area was about 500 m, and its topography is represented in the profile diagram, Fig. 1, which shows the relations between the principal zones of vegetation in which trapping was carried out. These included birch forest, meadowland and several types of lower mountain associations above the tree line, but not coniferous forest or high mountain associations. The forest covered approximately the lower third of the mountain slope and was succeeded by a well-defined belt dominated by heath plants, termed here the Empetrum nigrum zone. The latter extended a further 100-150 m vertically up the slope before giving way to a fjaeldmark type of vegetation on the summit plateau. The following descriptions of the vegetation of the areas trapped have been com-

The Excavation and Historical Identification of a Huron Ossuary

The unusual opportunity of excavating a Huron ossuary presented itself to the Royal Ontario Museum of Archaeology in 1946. The fact that probably less than a half dozen such sites still remain, coupled with the possibility that the ossuary in question was the one which the French Jesuit, Jean de Brebeuf, saw in use in 1636, led the Museum to decide upon excavation. A special grant from the Province to the Museum for archaeological purposes enabled work to begin.The site was situated on a small sandy plain about one hundred acres in extent (Fig. 115), on the farm of Mr. Charles Daoust, in the north half of lot 14, concession 7, Tiny township, Simcoe county. The nearest stream is one-half mile to the west. Remains of historic Huron villages lie one mile north and one and one-half miles northwest of the site. When first seen by the writer, the ossuary was visible as a broad, saucer-shaped depression in the ground, whose maximum depth was about two feet, with a slightly elevated rim marking its borders. The owner said that he had long known the place for what it was, since he had once attempted to bury a sheep in itr but he believed it had not previously been disturbed. After finding human bones, and recovering them, he had not again touched the pit (Fig. 116).

Use of repellents to simplify insecticide field trials.

A DIFFICULTY frequently met in insecticide field trials is that although the insecticide application may kill the insects on the treated plots at the time, these plots may be re-invaded very quickly by insects from the control plots and surrounding untreated areas. This is particularly marked in the case of trials on the control of cotton Lygus (Lygus vosseleri, Popp.), where the greater part of the damage is done by an immigration of highly mobile adults into the crop. One method of avoiding this difficulty is to use large plots of several acres in extent; but the very size of the plots seriously reduces the precision of an experimental comparison, besides being very expensive in time, materials and labour. Recent work has shown that where the principal purpose of the experiments is to study the effect of Lygus upon the yield of cotton, the result may be obtained very much more simply by using the repellent effect of certain insecticides.

Kolomoki Burial Mounds and the Weeden Island Mortuary Complex

Kolomoki is about six miles from the Chattahoochee River, in extreme southwestern Georgia. One of the larger southeastern sites, it covers approximately three hundred acres, including a rectangular truncated pyramidal temple mound 56 feet high, a plaza about 40 acres in extent, and 7 dome shaped mounds ranging in height from 4 to 20 feet. Three of the latter mounds have been excavated, two of which, D and E, were burial mounds and supplied parts of the data for this study (Sears, 1951b). The third excavated mound probably covered the site of a ceremonial structure and crematory area (Larsen, n.d.).

Frøya fra Rebild

Frøya from RebildRepresentation of the human form was so rarely attempted - or at least is so rarely found - in prehistoric Denmark that the report received by Aalborg Historical Museum in July 1946, that a wooden figure of a human being had been found, aroused the wildest of hopes - hopes that perhaps a corner of the veil which the coming of Christianity drew over the beliefs and superstitions of prehistoric times would at last be lifted.The figure (fig. 1) was found in a little peat-bog of less than an acre in extent, at Rebild Skovhuse, a cleared valley running into the immense Rold Forest in north Jutland. It was of birch and so rotten that it was only the care with which the farmer had taken it up and the equally careful conservation, which lasted three years, that preserved it for our study. It is 1.05 meters tall, formed of the bole of a young tree and only sketchily shaped on the basis of the original tree-form. The figure is clearly that of a woman, the sexual characteristics being particularly emphasized. The arms are not represented, while the legs, probably formed by a fork, had been broken off before the figure was placed in the bog.Besides the figure was a large piece of woven material. It was worn and patched, and of four-shaft weave most resembling the Iron Age cloth from Borre­mose. It had perhaps been originally wrapped around the figure. Pollen analysis suggests, with reservations, a dating to the Roman Iron Age.Only two discoveries have been made in or near Denmark of figures comparable with the female figure from Rebild. In 1888 a male figure was found in Broddenbjærg peat-bog near Viborg (fig. 2). It was fashioned of the fork of a tree, the main trunk forming the head and body and two branches of the fork the legs, while a third branch projecting at an angle formed the phallus, the potency of which was so emphasized that it without doubt forms the raison d'etre of the figure. The statue was found besides a heap of stones and a pottery vessel was placed by its side. It has been dated to the Late Bronze Age but is more probably later.More recently, at Braak near Eutin in Holstein, two figures, one male and the other female (fig. 3), were found on a little island in a saucer-shaped peat­bog together with several superimposed layers of blackened stones, ashes and charcoal.These discoveries are clearly those of gods and goddesses lying besides their altars. But is it possible for us to give their names? We know from the sagas that in the Viking Period the Scandinavians worshipped, in addition to the warrior Asa-gods, the more peaceful Vana-gods, the spirits of the weather, of land and sea, of the family of Njord. And Tacitus gives us a picture of this Njord, or Nerthus, as a goddess of fertility. Concerning Njord's children, Frøy and Frøya, who were also man and wife, many scandalous verses have survived telling of their sexual adventures, and countless more, now lost, were said by Adam of Bremen to have been sung before the phallic statue of Frøy at Upsala. Clearly a god and a goddess of fertility were worshipped throughout the Iron Age, and until valid counter-arguments are found it may be permitted to call these simple representations by the names of Frøy and Frøya.Peter Riismøller

Utilization of Crawfishes by Cold-Blooded Vertebrates in the Eastern United States

Quantitatively crawfishes have been little studied. A few species, however, have been shown to exist in enormous numbers in their optimum habitats. Davis and Weibe (1930) reported the removal of over 500 pounds of unidentified crawfishes from a pond in Iowa slightly over an acre in extent which produced at the same time 7,581 fingerling black bass. Creaser (1934) found mixed Cambarus bartoni and C. robustus in Pine Brook of the Raquette River watershed in New York at the rate of 4,044 individuals per mile of stream (about 16 pounds per acre) which he stated was a production greater than that of the fishes present in the same brook. Surber (1936) reported unidentified crawfishes in a stream in Virginia at their peak of annual production in August and September at the rate of 3.1 individuals per square foot of bottom, or about 135,036 per acre. Langlois (1936) indicated Cambarus rusticus production in fish hatcheries in Ohio averaging about 850 pounds per acre with a peak of 1,587 pounds per acre in one pond in addition to the bass crop. Wickliff (1940) recorded peak production of unidentified crawfishes in stream riffles in Ohio between May and September: in a sand and riffle he found 6,250 individuals per acre (27 pounds per acre); in a gravel riffle in May, three per square foot or 130,680 per acre (1,176 pounds per acre); and, in a riffle in August four per square foot or 174,240 per acre (523 pounds per acre). He depopulated the rubble riffle and two days later it yielded at the rate of 6,070 crawfishes per acre, evidently being repopulated from adjacent parts of the stream. In the Cornell Experimental Fish Hatchery at Ithaca, New York, Tack (1941) recorded production of Orconectes immunis immunis at the rate of from 36 to 255 pounds per acre in different

The Araku Valley Scheme

Aruku Valley is a narrow strip of land about seven miles in length, two miles in width and is situated on the Visakhapatnam- Jeypore road at a distance of about 71 miles from Visakhapatnam. It has an altitude ranging from 2,500 to 5,000 feet. A stream called Pathalagedda which is a tributary of the Machkhund river, runs in the middle of the valley and the land slopes gently towards the stream from either side. The valley is 5,705 acres in extent, and is very thinly popu- lated by hillmen.

The Nesting of the Red-Throated Loon on Vancouver Island, British Columbia

Journal Article The Nesting of the Red-Throated Loon on Vancouver Island, British Columbia Get access Theed Pearse Theed Pearse Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The Condor, Volume 48, Issue 6, 1 November 1946, Pages 262–264, https://doi.org/10.2307/1364077 Published: 01 November 1946