Women's Acquisition Research Articles

The gender dimension of the activity of the Ukrainian women's movement in Canada and Australia

The article is devoted to the study of the organized women's movement abroad. The Ukrainian women's movement, which arose and began to develop in all the countries where Ukrainians immigrated and lived, became the continuation and development of the Ukrainian women's movement on Ukrainian lands and had the goal of gaining women's rights in access to education and solving all public affairs. The reason for the emigration of Ukrainians was unfavorable political circumstances in the empires, to which at the end of the 19th century included all Ukrainian lands, as well as the economic decline and slow and ineffective development of the economy of both empires.
 The organized Ukrainian women's movement has always relied on the principles of equality of people regardless of gender. The activity of Ukrainian women's organizations was based on the idea of gender equality. It is obvious that the concept of "gender equality" refers to modern legal terminology, and at the beginning of the formation of the organized Ukrainian women's movement, such a term did not exist. Equality of people, regardless of gender, was outlined by the concept of "women's emancipation". What is interesting in the development of the Ukrainian women's movement in the free world is the difference with the women's movement of Canadians or Australians, which had a feminist component at its core, that is, it was based on the opposition of the sexes. Such antagonism between the sexes arose in those peoples who had their own state and were not subjected to national oppression.
 The activities of women's organizations were aimed at identifying discriminatory social practices and fighting for women's rights. Since Ukrainians did not have their own state and were oppressed, both men and women, there could be no conflict between the sexes. Therefore, for the Ukrainian women's movement, the basic values were the acquisition of women's rights, the preservation of national identity, traditions, the education of youth, and the preservation of the church. It should be noted that Ukrainian men supported women in their endeavors. Therefore, the activity of the organized Ukrainian women's movement is outlined in the context of gender equality.

Intersecções entre memória e feminismo

Surgindo no contexto de ideais iluministas e transformadores da Revolução Francesa e Americana, posteriormente se espalhando no mundo todo, o feminismo, como movimento social, é essencialmente moderno e faz críticas à estrutura de poder patriarcal existente na sociedade através de discussões por direitos sociais e políticos. Atua em multiplicidade de relações, construindo articulações e se ampliando dentro do contexto mundial. Nessa perspectiva, esse artigo se propõe a percorrer a trajetória histórica por onde transitaram as dinâmicas políticas dos feminismos, refletindo sobre as intersecções da memória como fio condutor para o empoderamento, fortalecimento da identidade e a conquista dos direitos das mulheres.

The Role of Women in Tunisia from Bourguiba to the Promulgation of New Constitution

Abstract The question of women became one of those fundamental issues used by North African nations in order to demonstrate to Western countries just how “democratic” they were. In this regard, the legislation in favour of women’s emancipation in Tunisia undoubtedly reveals an important peculiarity. In 1956 Tunisia underwent an important modernisation following the independence obtained from France. This produced a social emancipation not found in other Islamic countries, resulting in the acquisition of women’s rights, for example, the abolition of polygamy. Since the 1970s, women have felt as if they are hostages to politics and, through some feminist associations, denounce inequalities despite enjoying certain rights, becoming aware of their subordination in a male-dominated society. With Bourguiba’s successor, Ben ʿAlī, assuming power in 1987, a policy emerged in which the rights of women seemed to be guaranteed, without guaranteeing human rights. And Tunisia revealed, much like other countries, a sort of mutilated modernity, in which the modernisation process was put in motion, without the modernising state committing itself to promoting a political modernity with the adoption of true democratic principles. Moreover, how much did the secularism of the Ben ʿAlī regime coincide with the transformation of Tunisian society? Perhaps the abuse of power by the dictator neutralised the paradigm of human rights? Social and cultural transformation beginning with Bourguiba and continuing with Ben ʿAlī produced an “Islamic-secular” country also as it relates to gender issues. But, with the victory of the Islamic party al-Nahḍayn the 2011 elections, will there be a radical transformation of women in society? And with Tunisia’s new constitution finally being adopted in January 2014, has it been considered a victory for women? This paper seeks to stimulate debate on the issue in the context of post-colonial studies through a social-historical perspective.

Implikasi Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 22-24/PUU- VI/2008 terhadap Kebijakan Affirmative Action Keterwakilan Perempuan di DPRD Provinsi dan kabupaten/kota se-Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta

The research concluded, first, The Constitutional Court decision number 22-24/PUU-VI/2008 give the positive implications of affirmative action policy of women representation in the provincial parliament and regency/town in Yogyakarta, because every legislative candidates have equal opportunity to fight to obtain a majority vote in 2009 legislative elections. Second, when Law no. 10 year 2008 still use a list of serial numbers, women’s position in the list of candidates a majority in the lowest sequence number, the result difficult for female candidates to gain seats as if his voice does not reach the number of automatic splitter sounds will be given to the serial number on it, but with a majority vote model , greater opportunities for female candidates was elected. Third, women representation in the provincial parliament Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta (DIY) increased when compared with the results of the election of 2004, from 9 seats in 2009 elections to 12 seats, so there is an increase of 33%. in Gunung Kidul district legislature also increased the number of seats of women when compared with the acquisition of seats in the elections of 2004, from a seat in the 2009 election to 6 seats, so there is 500%. Sleman district legislature in the 2004 elections the number of women seats and as many as 6 seats in the 2009 election to 8 seats. So the increase of about 33%. in Yogyakarta city parliament also increased the number of seats in 2004 elections from 5 to 6 seats in 2009 elections. Thus, there is an increase of 20%. Kulonprogo parliament,the seats for women who gained in the 2004 elections and are 4 seats in the 2009 election into 4 seats so that there is an increase of 25%, and in Bantul Regency 2004 election results there are only 5 seats for women, in the 2009 election to 6 people or up 20%. Fourth, the concern that the ruling number 22-24/PUU-VI/2008 inhibit affirmative action policy has not been proven in Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta (DIY), because the acquisition of women’s seats in parliament and city districts in Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta (DIY) even more increased when compared to the acquisition in 2004 election.

Safety of Tenofovir Gel, a Vaginal Microbicide, in South African Women: Results of the Caprisa 004 Trial

Tenofovir gel, used vaginally before and after coitus, reduced women's acquisition of HIV by 39%. This is a safety assessment of tenofovir gel, including renal, bone, gastrointestinal, genital and haematological parameters. In the Centre for the AIDS Programme of Research in South Africa (CAPRISA) 004, a double-blind, randomized placebo-controlled trial, 445 of the 889 eligibly enrolled women were assigned to tenofovir gel. All participants were advised to use the gel vaginally only, with one dose of gel within 12 h before and a second dose as soon as possible after sex, with no more than two doses in 24 h. Clinical and laboratory safety data were collected at monthly and quarterly visits, respectively. Genital assessments were undertaken at enrolment and quarterly thereafter, or as indicated. Women assigned to tenofovir gel were exposed to an average monthly vaginal dose of 240 mg of tenofovir (six applications). In total, six women, three in each group, had mild creatinine elevations, all of which occurred in July/August 2008. The incidence of anaemia was 3.5 and 3.8 per 100 women-years in tenofovir and placebo groups, respectively (P=0.80). Of the six women (four tenofovir and two placebo) experiencing bone fractures, none were associated with abnormal phosphate or calcium values. The proportion of women with diarrhoea was higher in the tenofovir gel group (17% versus 11%; P=0.026). There was no significant increase of any genital adverse event in the tenofovir group. No significant renal, haematological, genital or bone effects were associated with the use of tenofovir gel. Aside from a puzzling increase in diarrhoea, tenofovir gel has an excellent safety profile.

Protection or pleasure: female footwear

This article addresses the love for shoes by the perspective of design and emotion. Reviewing the footwear history, we realize that it did not take too long for the shoes start to have new functions, aesthetic and symbolic, which eventually came to have greater relevance in the acquisition of women's shoes. Today, these outweigh the importance of physical comfort for many women, that once feeling pretty, do not realize the discomfort of the shoe. Studies indicate that the objects we love have a strong influence on our sense of identity, especially when dealing with clothing articles that have the power to show on our appearance our identity, tastes and preferences. Crossing the semiotics field, the footwear is analyzed as an object of feminine desire, imbued with symbolic relations. As a result, we propose a framework to describe the emotional relationship between women and shoes.

Developments in Spousal Power Relations: Are We Moving Toward Equality?

We present an analysis of developments in perceptions of spousal power relations, as reflected in decision-making and division of household labor. Based on research conducted from as early as the 1960s to the present, we analyzed theoretical approaches ranging from the classic resource theories and gender role ideology to more complex approaches. We also examined contextual factors that may impact spousal relations. In addition, we addressed spousal power relations in new family configurations, such as cohabiting and homosexual families. Regardless of the type of family under discussion, the core research question examined in this article was whether women's acquisition of increased resources has generated a trend toward more egalitarian spousal power relations. The findings reveal that today spousal decision-making patterns are more egalitarian than in the past. However, with regard to division of household labor, women still bear the main responsibility for household chores.

Widespread rape does not directly appear to increase the overall HIV prevalence in conflict-affected countries: so now what?

BackgroundSub-Saharan Africa (SSA) is severely affected by HIV/AIDS and conflict. Sexual violence as a weapon of war has been associated with concerns about heightened HIV incidence among women. Widespread rape by combatants has been documented in Burundi, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia, Sudan and Uganda. To examine the assertion that widespread rape may not directly increase HIV prevalence at the population level, we built a model to determine the potential impact of varying scenarios of widespread rape on HIV prevalence in the above seven African countries.DiscussionOur findings show that even in the most extreme situations, where 15% of the female population was raped, where HIV prevalence among assailants was 8 times the country population prevalence, and where the HIV transmission rate was highest at 4 times the average high rate, widespread rape increased the absolute HIV prevalence of these countries by only 0.023%. These projections support the finding that widespread rape in conflict-affected countries in SSA has not incurred a major direct population-level change in HIV prevalence. However, this must not be interpreted to say that widespread rape does not pose serious problems to women's acquisition of HIV on an individual basis or in specific settings. Furthermore, direct and indirect consequences of sexual violence, such as physical and psychosocial trauma, unwanted pregnancies, and stigma and discrimination cannot be understated.SummaryThe conclusions of this article do not significantly change current practices in the field from an operational perspective. Proper care and treatment must be provided to every survivor of rape regardless of the epidemiological effects of HIV transmission at the population level. Sexual violence must be treated as a protection issue and not solely a reproductive health and psychosocial issue. It is worth publishing data and conclusions that could be misconstrued and may not make much of a programmatic difference in the field. Data, if collected, analysed and interpreted carefully, help to improve our understanding of complicated and nuanced situations. Ultimately, our understanding of what the outcomes of such interventions can achieve will be more realistic. It also helps decision-makers prioritise their funding and interventions.

Constructing and reconstructing gender: Reference group effects and women's demand for entrepreneurial capital

Women's acquisition of entrepreneurial capital may be restricted by demand side identity constraints as women who pursue non-traditional entrepreneurial livelihoods may stand at odds with activity-regulating social norms. By explicitly incorporating social norms into a model of women's decision-making, this paper provides an analytical framework that helps understand the social factors that limit women's demand for capital. The model shows that because of these social effects, a credit program that relaxes supply constraints may reconstruct gender norms and have a social multiplier effect, shifting an entire group or community to a higher-income equilibrium. Using a social effects econometric framework, the paper then confirms the existence of reference group effects on women's demand for entrepreneurial capital in rural Paraguay. Identification of these as endogenous social effects relies on the separate measurement of each woman's social reference group, allowing the use of village-level fixed effects to sweep away confounding contextual influences. Results are robust to the use of a restricted reference group comprised solely of ‘inherited’ family members, and analysis of demand by male partners reveals that the social effect is gendered and hence likely to reflect social norm effects rather than endogenous social learning or exogenous social effects.

The International Women's Movement and Women's Political Representation, 1893–2003

Women's political representation, once considered unacceptable by politicians and their publics, is now actively encouraged by powerful international actors. In this article, the authors ask how the growth and discourse of the international women's movement affected women's acquisition of political power over time. To answer this question, they use event history techniques to address women's political representation in more than 150 countries over 110 years (1893–2003). They consider multiple political outcomes: female suffrage, first female parliamentarian, and achievement of 10, 20, and 30 percent women in a country's national legislature. The findings show that increasing global pressure for the inclusion of women in international politics and the changing discourse of the international women's movement help to explain women's acquisition of these multiple political outcomes. Furthermore, by adding these concepts to traditional domestic models of women in politics, the authors demonstrate that country-level political, social structural, and cultural characteristics cause countries to act in conjunction with, or in opposition to, these global pressures. This is the first time that research on women in politics has considered such a comprehensive list of countries, time points, and outcomes.

New Perspectives on Female Suffrage

By focusing on the history and historiography of Mexican women's acquisition of the right to vote between the 1920s and 1950s, this article uses Mexico as a case study to point to broader trends in scholarship on female suffrage. The author argues that the symbolic or representational value (the meaning) of women voting has carried more weight historically than how women actually voted (the act of female voting). Nonetheless, women's presumed effect on elections, through the act of voting, has shaped the rhetoric and history of female suffrage. By examining female suffrage through the lens of gender politics and gender history, one can see how and why often problematic, and even fallacious images, meanings, or symbols of women as inept political actors have been constructed.

Childhood Religious Conservatism and Adult Attainment among Black and White Women

The resurgence of conservative religious groups over the past several decades raises interesting questions about its effects on women's life chances. Conservative religious institutions promote a traditional understanding of gender within families. Women's beliefs about appropriate family roles, in turn, influence their preparation for market work and the timing and extent of their labor force participation. Using retrospective data from the National Survey of Households and Families, this paper examines the effect of childhood religious affiliation on American women's acquisition and use of marketable skills, focusing on women's educational investments, family formation behavior, labor force participation and wage attainment. Results show that childhood religious conservatism is associated with diminished human capital acquisition and earlier family formation for White women with more muted results for Black women.

Pensions and poverty traps: Is saving worthwhile for women?

Present policy means that a private pension, unless it is substantial, may fail to bring financial gain in retirement due to means testing: the pensions poverty trap. This paper examines women's acquisition of private (occupational and personal) pensions and their risk of facing this trap. Because of the loosening link between marriage and motherhood, previous patterns of pension advantage according to marital status are shifting. The employment and pension impact of motherhood varies with socio-economic status but the pension prospects of the majority of women are poor. It is concluded that women's need for financial advice to avoid the pensions poverty trap is greater than men's. An improved basic pension, indexed to national income, would reduce the risk of mis-selling and restore confidence that saving for a pension is worthwhile.

Galen Chemicals Proposes Acquisition of Women’s Healthcare Products from Pfizer

Galen Chemicals Proposes Acquisition of Women’s Healthcare Products from Pfizer

Factors Affecting Contraceptive Use in Women Seeking Pregnancy Tests: Missouri, 1997

If the national health objective of reducing unintended pregnancy is to be met, a better understanding is needed of barriers to women's acquisition and use of contraceptives. A sample of 311 Missouri women who were seeking pregnancy tests in public health department clinics in 1997 and who said their potential pregnancy was unintended were asked about potential barriers to family planning. Factors affecting contraceptive use among these women were examined by frequency of use, insurance status, education and race. In general, the women mostly disagreed that particular factors were potential barriers to contraceptive use. For only one item--worry over the potential side effects of the hormonal injectable contraceptive--did a majority agree or strongly agree that it was a barrier to method use in the previous six months. Women who used a contraceptive infrequently were more likely than frequent users to identify 33 factors in nine areas as being potential barriers to contraceptive use. These ranged from factors involving access to services and condom-specific issues to cost-related concerns, social norms, pregnancy denial, embarrassment over discussing or obtaining birth control, worry about side effects and experience with forced sex, among others. Perceived barriers differed somewhat by insurance status in the areas of access, embarrassment, side effects and forced sex. For example, women with no insurance coverage reported a higher level of agreement that transportation problems had hindered their access to a clinic than did women with private insurance. Level of education affected agreement only in the area of side effects, with more-educated women expressing greater concern about side effects than less-educated women. The respondent's race affected agreement in six areas: access, social norms, pregnancy denial, embarrassment, forced sex and other miscellaneous concerns, such as condom use and relationship issues. Better education and improved access to and delivery of services might address several factors affecting contraceptive use that are associated with unintended pregnancy. Some barriers, however, such as those related to self-efficacy, self-esteem and fatalistic attitudes about pregnancy, would be much harder for family planning providers to resolve.

Inheritance, marriage, widowhood and remarriage: a comparative perspective on women and landholding in north-east Norfolk, 1440–1580

In medieval and early modern England, men's and women's rights to land were not equal. Sons were preferred over daughters in the inheritance of land. Marriage removed rights of property ownership from women and placed them in the hands of their husbands. Yet land stood at the heart of the economy and society in rural England in a period when agriculture was the main employer and land the main source of wealth, social status and political power. Ordinary women's inferior rights to land were a key aspect in women's subordination as a whole. The study presented here is a detailed examination of women's acquisition and possession of land in north-east Norfolk in the period 1440–1580, using data from manorial documents and wills. Erickson has noted that ‘it is relatively easy to compile information on how women as a sex were supposed to act in early modern England, and lists of the legal restrictions placed upon them. It is much more difficult to ascertain exactly how women did behave and how they responded to their legal disabilities.’ This study emphasizes actual practice rather than legal theory.

Property, Households and Public Regulation of Domestic Life: Diriomo, Nicaragua 1840–1900

This article examines changes in gender relations in an Indian pueblo in south-western Nicaragua between Independence and the coffee revolution, when the nation-state was weak and municipal governments exercised considerable power. It analyses landed property, household headship and public control over so-called private morality, and considers how these were influenced by the coffee economy. First, it argues that public regulation of domestic life was important in the consolidation of municipal authority. It legitimated the power of the ladino peasant elite, a key aspect of state formation at the local level. Second, the article examines how the rise of private property altered gendered arrangements. It analyses the relationship between expansion in female land rights and the incidence of female headed households and argues that peasant women's acquisition of land accentuated a pre-existing tendency towards non-marrying behaviour. The study is based on archival sources.

The Gender of Reform Politics: Theodore Roosevelt and the Culture of Masculinity

The entrance of women into the political arena and the ensuing passage from an exclusively male political universe to one in which both men and women participated raise neglected questions of general historical significance. These changes still wait to be incorporated into a comprehensive analysis of the transformation of American democracy between the end of the nineteenth century and the 1920s. Women's acquisition of suffrage in 1920 cannot be considered as simply the extension of voting rights to individuals who were previously denied them. Such an approach would be inconceivable in any serious investigation of the advent of universal male suffrage in theJacksonian age or of subsequent extensions of citizenship rights to immigrants and former slaves and, in the 1960s, to disfranchised southern blacks. Historical common sense considers these events epochal turning points in the property, ethnic, and racial bases of politics that substantially changed local, regional, and national public life. Such changes had dramatic visible effects. They produced vivid images that are still with us: the storming of the White House by a democratic crowd at the 1829 presidential inauguration; the birth of popular political parties in the 1830s; the invention of ethnic and immigrant-based urban politics; the dramatic emergence of emancipated slaves as legislators during black Reconstruction; the breakup of the lily-white Democratic South and the emergence of a new Republican party after the civil rights revolution. Apparently nothing like that happened with women in the 1920s: no storming of symbolic locations by crowds of women, no building of new-style political organizations, no women-dominated machines, no sudden upsurge of women legislators, no partisan realignments. And yet it seems reasonable to suppose that the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution and the long journey to get it, by upsetting the gender base of politics, had important implications (invisible because unexplored as well as unexplored because invisible) for the whole political system.

Gender differences in the acquisition of salary negotiation skills: the role of goals, self-efficacy, and perceived control.

The authors examined the effectiveness of different training programs in men's and women's acquisition of salary negotiation skills. MBA students received a 2-stage training program that provided initial content instruction in negotiation tactics, followed by supplemental training in either goal setting or self-management. After both training sessions, participants conducted salary negotiations with trained confederates who used standardized guides to award salary increases. Results indicated that, although women negotiated lower salaries than men following the initial training, controlling for goals eliminated this difference. Analysis of salary improvements following supplemental training revealed that gender differences were reduced for self-management participants only. Changes in perceived control over the negotiation appeared to mediate this effect. Implications of these findings for understanding training effectiveness are discussed.

Donne splendide: some thoughts on women's acquisition of useful and ornamental objects in the Reinassance

The aim of this article is to examine, through fifteenth- and sixteenth-century documents, the ways in which donne di palazzo were important agents in the display of wealth and of beautiful objects. By their commissions and their purchases, but also with their dowries and inheritances, these women showed that splendore, one of the ‘social virtues’ that were considered an essential part in the life of the wealthy and sophisticated elite, was not just a male quality. The documents also demonstrate the ways in which women like Eleonora d’Aragona, Isabella and Beatrice d’Este, Elisabetta Gonzaga, Eleonora di Toledo and others helped to shape the style of the period.