Reviewed by: George II: King and Elector by Andrew C. Thompson Michael Schaich Andrew C. Thompson . George II: King and Elector. New Haven and London : Yale , 2011 . Pp. xii + 315 . $40 . Writing a biography of George II (1727–1760) is not easy or, for that matter, particularly attractive. He has gone down in history as one of the duller figures on the British throne—personally boorish and petty, not known for the splendor of his court, and politically insignificant. More than either his predecessor or his successor, he has been victimized by clichés about eighteenth-century Britain and an unbalanced record of sources. The enduring image of the king was shaped by the acerbic memoirs of one of his courtiers, the vice-chamberlain Hervey (although covering only the first years of his reign, they indelibly marked George II’s reputation). Hervey portrayed the Hanoverian as loquacious, overbearing, moody, in constant need of the guiding hand of a cunning minister, Robert Walpole, and an intellectually superior wife, Caroline of Ansbach-Bayreuth. This depiction emphasized the rise of parliament and cabinet government, and decline of the court and monarch’s role. It did not help that George II conducted business mainly in face-to-face conversations with his ministers and left very few traces of his personal views and opinions to posterity. Recently the historiographical tide has shifted. A revival in court studies over the last decade has rescued the image policy of the early Hanoverians from oblivion. Biographical essays on George II by Mjindert Bertram (2003) and Jeremy Black (2007) are superseded, however, by Mr. Thompson’s judicious and extensively researched account based on sources in British as well as German archives. It is now difficult to see how a more rounded treatment can be achieved. Although it contains chapters on the dynastic background and George II’s early years, the relationship to his parents, wife, and mistresses and life at his two courts in London and Hanover, Mr. Thompson has written a political biography, for the most part, a book about the king’s dealings with factions and parties at court and in parliament, with ministers, diplomats, and foreign powers. He has done so with good reason: it is in the political realm that his study can best overturn received wisdoms. One of its main findings is the persisting power of the monarch in government. It is only in Mr. Thompson’s detailed analysis that the full extent of the involvement of the king in decisions about—primarily—foreign policy issues becomes apparent. For all the talk about the ascent of independent-minded ministers such as Walpole and Newcastle, no major political step was taken without the king’s approval. Most governments during George II’s long reign tried to be as accommodating to his wishes as possible. This does not mean that he always got his way. Ministers put pressure on him, tried to talk him round, and at least in one case gave him an ultimatum. This was not altogether different from other European monarchies. Even in absolutist regimes formulating policy was the result of negotiations and discussions between the king and his ministers. George II also had the good fortune of being British king and Hanoverian elector. This dual role gave him considerable maneuvering room. Whenever he went on one of his regular trips to his German dominions accompanied by only one secretary of state, fears in London about unexpected policy changes mounted, and not without justification. During the War of the Austrian Succession, for example, George II signed a neutrality agreement for the electorate with France that clearly affected Britain, but came as a shock to [End Page 164] Whitehall. The stays in the electorate, however, did not have merely disruptive effects. In an intriguing line of argument Mr. Thompson links the development of the cabinet to the repeated absences of the king from London. Concern about the loss of control over foreign policy fostered a sense of identity among the ministers left behind and enhanced the pressure to formulate policies as a collective body. In addition, the king’s travels gave British secretaries of state the chance to familiarize themselves with developments in Central...