Aboriginal Self-government Research Articles

Evaluating the Aboriginal child's mind: assimilation and cross-cultural psychology in Australia.

This article examines two psychological interventions with Australian Aboriginal children in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The first involved evaluating the cognitive maturation of Aboriginal adolescents using a series of Piagetian interviews. The second, a more extensive educational intervention, used a variety of quantitative tests to measure and intervene in the intellectual performance of Aboriginal preschoolers. In both of these interventions the viability of the psychological instruments in the cross-cultural encounter created ongoing ambiguity as to the value of the research outcomes. Ultimately, the resolution of this ambiguity in favour of notions of Aboriginal 'cultural deprivation' reflected the broader political context of debates over Aboriginal self-governance during this period.

“Working Together”: The Dynamics of Multilevel Governance in Nunavut

Aboriginal self-government is changing the governance landscape in Canada. This paper focuses on a little-studied aspect of aboriginal self-government arrangements, namely the horizontal dispersion of power among non-governmental institutions in the policy process. Nunavut, the Canadian territory created in 1999, offers a good example of this horizontal power dispersion. The Government of Nunavut is the only Canadian public government stemming from a land claim agreement. This creates a special set of obligations and entrenches a horizontal multilevel governance model, with a unique model of governance between a public government, the government of Nunavut (GN), that serves a predominantly Inuit population, and a nonprofit beneficiary organization, Nunavut Tunngavik Inc.(NTI), representing the Inuit of Nunavut. In this paper we map out the authority and legitimacy of these levels of governance and the impacts of this system on Nunavut public policies and access to resource development revenues.

The District of Sechelt, British Columbia and the Municipal System of Aboriginal Self-Government

The purpose of this paper was, in exploring the details of the Sechelt Indian Band Self-Government Act and the powers it entails, to ascertain whether or not the Municipal Model represents a viable and successful option toward Aboriginal self-government. In this paper I examined the extent to which certain key provisions of the Sechelt Act align with the traditional goals of Aboriginal self-government to gauge its usefulness to Aboriginal groups. I performed this by first exploring the concept of Right and Title, its implications and the resulting powers which self-governing bands must possess to satisfy the provisions of Right and Title. I then used these criteria to establish a basic ‘report card’ against which the Municipal Model’s efficacy can be gauged through comparison with the provisions of the Sechelt Act. I found that not only does the Sechelt Act satisfy all vital criteria for an effective selfgovernment agreement, but that the Municipal Model name is itself a misnomer for a far wider package of rights and responsibilities than those given to municipalities. I conclude that the Sechelt Indian Band Self- Government Act is a highly effective iteration of the Municipal Model, contrary to criticism, and that the model’s success merits consideration as a viable Aboriginal self-government solution for future cases.

Negotiating Aboriginal Self-Government Agreements in Canada: An Analysis of the Inuvialuit Experience

AbstractIn 1973, the federal government of Canada invited Aboriginal groups to enter into comprehensive land claims negotiations to settle outstanding claims not addressed by historical treaties. After eight years of negotiations, the Inuvialuit became the second group in Canada to sign a modern treaty, doing so in 1984. Missing from that agreement, however, was a self-government chapter, which was not open to negotiation at that time. In 1996, the Inuvialuit initiated self-government negotiations with the Crown but have yet to conclude an agreement despite increased institutional capacity. What explains this puzzle? Drawing upon the existing literature on land claims negotiations, Aboriginal self-government and historical institutionalism, we analyze a variety of primary and secondary sources to argue that a number of institutional and non-institutional factors have prevented the Inuvialuit from successfully completing self-government negotiations with the Crown.

Historical Injustice, Rawlsian Egalitarianism, and Political Contestation

Jeremy Waldron has plausibly argued that historical injustices can be superseded by serious efforts to achieve justice in the present and future. This essay considers what it might mean to arrange things justly in the relevant way, focusing on the work of John Rawls as our best existing template for conceptualizing justice of this kind. The essay outlines ways in which a Rawlsian system of social justice seems unable to meet its own normative aspirations and unable to provide a model for overcoming historically constituted disadvantage. As the essay argues, the society described by Rawls is likely to remain divided by inherited class structures, given the motivational requirements of markets and the psychological effects of the division of labor, so that inheritors of historical injustice would remain disadvantaged even if Rawlsian principles were put into practice. The essay considers some speculative methods for overcoming these inequalities, and argues that the most promising approach in circumstances as we know them will draw on already-existing programs of compensation for historical expropriation. The essay also argues that Rawlsians should take seriously the application of the difference principle to the distribution of political authority alongside material resources, suggesting that we should give careful thought to how political structures can protect the interests of the least advantaged. The paper argues that, once again, existing mechanisms for Aboriginal self-governance are more appropriate as a system of forward-looking justice than they may otherwise appear. The essay argues in closing that political philosophy should give increased attention to the ethics of political action and to conflict among the disadvantaged in imperfect circumstances.

Aboriginal child welfare self-government and the rights of Indigenous children: A book review

Aboriginal child welfare self-government and the rights of Indigenous children: A book review

First Nations Education Policy in Canada: Progress or Gridlock? (review)

Reviewed by: First Nations Education Policy in Canada: Progress or Gridlock? Terry Wotherspoon Jerry Paquette and Gérald Fallon. First Nations Education Policy in Canada: Progress or Gridlock? Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010. 464 pp. Preface. Notes. References. Index. $39.95 sc. $85.00 hc. In 1986, Jerry Paquette observed that, “Not only have ‘simple’ solutions to narrow problem definitions in the Canadian aboriginal education arena tended to produce outcomes totally unintended by their architects, such policies have also generated outcomes that have been much less than helpful for Canada’s aboriginal peoples” (Aboriginal Self-Government and Education in Canada, 2). A quarter-century later, in [End Page 292] the wake of repeated prodding from parliamentary inquiries, Royal Commission reports, action plans, working groups, and damning indictments by Canada’s Auditor General, only limited progress has been made to advance from this unforgiving scenario towards an effectively financed, managed and delivered system of education for First Nations in Canada. These issues are the focus of a sequel of sorts, co-authored by Jerry Paquette and Gérald Fallon. In First Nations Education Policy in Canada; Progress or Gridlock?, the authors outline in stark terms how this bleak landscape has persisted for so long, drawing out lessons which they integrate into a vision to produce a truly representative and functioning system of education for First Nations. Paquette and Fallon, who have published widely in areas of educational administration and finance and Aboriginal education and governance, draw on their extensive knowledge of how politics and education operate and intersect, inserting into the extensive literature on Aboriginal education in Canada unique insights that take the reader well beyond common litanies of educational problems confronted by Aboriginal communities. Their blunt assessment of the damage inflicted by over three centuries of colonial practices is accompanied by an indictment of government agents and First Nations leaders alike who continue to perpetuate this ‘pathologizing’ legacy through patterns of governance that take the form of an “exercise of absolute power with impunity” (12). This is detailed in their cautionary discussion of crisis at First Nations University of Canada, when they observe (308–9) that “it is probable that the vision these [First Nations] students grew up with of power and especially of leadership within mainstream society was almost entirely shaped by the exercise of unchecked autocratic power within residential schools.” The absence of meaningful accountability and transparency in educational governance, combined with inadequate finance and a convoluted regulatory structure, have perpetuated a system in which the focus has deviated well away from the real measures of an effective education system that is able to foster effective First Nations participation, control, and educational success. The impetus to build a strong First Nations education system has been further derailed, the authors repeatedly emphasize, by the equation of First Nations control of education with local control, leaving numerous smaller communities without the fiscal and organizational capacities to operate a comprehensive education system. The alternative proposed by Paquette and Fallon is a multi-layered system of educational governance that would integrate distinct First Nations communities with one another through appropriate regional and national bodies. This would include the creation of a nation-wide body, framed as a First Nations Ministry of Education of Canada, which would offer greater economies of scale and comprehensive vision, consolidating expertise and offering the capacity to implement a national system of curriculum, linguistic competency, standards and assessment. The authors acknowledge the likelihood of considerable resistance to some of these initiatives, particularly from those [End Page 293] who would have to relinquish current positions or authority, and they point as well to the controversial nature of their proposals to implement First Nations taxation in order to foster effective local responsibility and reinforce the financial base necessary to build effective educational systems. In the absence of radical changes, they stress, “The cruel alternative to the upward delegation of authority is remaining mired in amateur educational and administrative practices. When fragmented among a large number of tiny communities, local control is ultimately sham control” (216). The book provides numerous unique and compelling insights. It offers a near-comprehensive vision for First Nations education from elementary to post-secondary levels...

Aboriginal Self-Government through Constitutional Design: A Survey of Fourteen Aboriginal Constitutions in Canada

Despite a rich and diverse literature on the revitalization of Indigenous legal traditions and constitutional orders, no one has yet looked at modern Aboriginal constitutions in Canada. This essay draws upon the comparative constitutional design and Aboriginal politics literatures to describe and analyze the texts of 14 Aboriginal constitutions. The findings suggest that these constitutional documents are similar to non-Aboriginal ones in many ways. Specifically, both deal with similar political problems and try to express and protect local political cultures. In short, they represent practical attempts to marry Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal constitutional orders and legal traditions in the contemporary context. Students of Aboriginal politics and law should pay greater attention to these documents, and especially to their origins and evolution over time.

Representing Aboriginal Self-Government and First Nations/State Relations: Political Agency and the Management of the Boreal Forest in Eeyou Istchee

This paper is primarily concerned with the way in which the strategies Indigenous peoples choose to address and deal with state power are being characterized by recent scholarly assessments of territorial and self-government agreements in Canada. The authors contend that by emphasizing almost exclusively seemingly irreversible structural determinants (such as colonialism and the capitalist logic of dispossession), the interpretative orientation of that literature tends to misrepresent the nature and dynamics of First Nations politics in the Canadian context and minimizes the positive impact of their action on social change. On the basis of an examination of contentious politics and the resulting institutional practices elaborated in relation to the management of forest resources and environmental policy in Eeyou Istchee (land of the James Bay Cree) over the past 30 years, the paper underscores instead the Cree’s political agency and their ability to secure a substantial measure of control over the management of forest resources and the definition of environmental policy. It argues that the Cree have largely succeeded in reversing the historical logic of domination to which Indigenous peoples have been submitted and in reappropriating key instruments of collective empowerment. The paper ultimately offers a defence for an analytical stance that appreciates First Nations’ political and policy choices from the perspectives of what they actually mean for the communities involved rather than from the point of view of normative and theoretical absolutes.

Like the Sound of a Drum: Aboriginal Cultural Politics in Denendeh and Nunavut (review)

Reviewed by: Like the Sound of a Drum: Aboriginal Cultural Politics in Denendeh and Nunavut Ken Coates Like the Sound of a Drum: Aboriginal Cultural Politics in Denendeh and Nunavut. Peter Kulchyski. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2005. Pp. 312, $26.95 paper The Canadian North is in the midst of an important political revolution in national history. Only thirty years ago, the Yukon and Northwest Territories were governed as federal colonies. Aboriginal people played relatively minor political roles, the hand of the federal government was omnipresent, and meaningful regional autonomy seemed a long way off. With stunning speed, the government of Canada granted responsible government, negotiated Aboriginal claims settlements, expanded the powers of Indigenous self-government, and created the Inuit-controlled territory of Nunavut. Aboriginal leaders emerged both as important national figures and key players in the administration and planning of the territorial North. Peter Kulchyski has been a leading observer of this transformation. Like the Sound of a Drum is the most important contribution yet to the understanding of the nature and extent of this political transition. Through a comparative study of Fort Simpson and Fort Good Hope in the Northwest Territories and Pangnirtung in Nunavut, the author describes fundamental changes in northern politics. He moves well beyond a discussion of political structures and legislative changes to explain the deep cultural roots of the reorganization of power in the North. This is a theoretically informed, strongly argued, and insightfully researched book, one that will no doubt set the standard for scholars seeking to explore the intersection of political aspirations, Aboriginal culture, and political systems in Canada. Kulchyski builds his work around four main arguments. First, he argues that the ‘politics of form’ are of crucial importance in understanding Aboriginal communities in transition, as northern peoples resist the imposition of external political systems. He dismisses the assertion that northerners have to be ‘prepared’ for Aboriginal self-government [End Page 586] and says they are ready for these responsibilities, and on their own terms. Kulchyski makes clear his assumptions about the role of the state: ‘The State’s objective, aside from the wishes of its individual agents, is to find a mechanism to incorporate Aboriginal peoples into the dominant order. This is a structural exigency and will never cease as long as the dominant order depends on the logic of capital accumulation and the expansion of the commodity form’ (16). He found that Aboriginal people ‘experience the State as ruthless, unrelenting, totalizing machinery’ (16–17). His fourth argument is that there is a substantial chasm in language, communication, and core values between Aboriginal people and the state – he calls these structures ‘writing’ – and that meaningful negotiations requires the ability of both sides to bridge the divide. More directly, he asserts that Aboriginal people should not have to conform to the dictates of the state. Like the Sound of a Drum has much to recommend it. Kulchyski weaves in the book a sophisticated left-liberal analysis of the nature of Aboriginal governance and the role of the dominant society, capitalism, and democracy, a well-informed assessment of the state of play in northern, community-level politics, and an eloquent series of vignettes of his encounters with the realities of northern cultural politics. Scholars from many fields will find a great deal of value in his engagement with the theoretical and conceptual literature relating to Aboriginal cultures in transition. Chapter 6 offers a challenging evaluation of the leading arguments about self-government by Canadian academics and the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples; the discussion of Alan Cairns’s work is particularly noteworthy. One hopes that Kulchysky’s conclusions will be tested in other settings – the Yukon and the northern provinces, in particular – and that a similar kind of evaluation will be undertaken of the nature of the national and territorial bureaucracies. In completing the important and admirable task of revealing the nuances, strengths, and substance of Aboriginal politics, Kulchysky has worked from a very stereotypic description of the role of the state, without the sensitivity and depth that he has provided for Indigenous political cultures. Kulchysky has succeeded admirably in the tasks he set for himself. The book provides an effective introduction...

Understanding the Impact of Self- Determination on Communities in Crisis

Canada is struggling to recast its relationship with Aboriginal peoples in response to massive disparities, mounting resentment, and emerging political realities. The interplay of racism, paternalism and disempowerment has inflicted a serious toll in terms of social, health, economic, and cultural costs. Many Aboriginal people have lost their language and identity, and this spiritual loss is compounded by skyrocketing rates of alcoholism, substance abuse, domestic violence, suicide, diabetes, and heart disease. The need for structural change is broadly acknowledged by Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal leaders alike, but they disagree on how to hasten this transformation from colonial subjects to self-determining peoples. Central to most proposals for restructuring is establishing Aboriginal self-government as a basis for healing (Fleras, 1996, p.122).

Peace, Power, Righteousness: An Indigenous Manifesto (review)

Reviewed by: Peace, Power, Righteousness: An Indigenous Manifesto John W. Friesen Taiaiake Alfred. Peace, Power, Righteousness: An Indigenous Manifesto. 2nd ed. Don Mills, ON: Oxford University Press, 2009. 208 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $19.95 sc. Clearly a prophet for our time, Taiaiake Alfred competently tackles a variety of very complex issues related to Aboriginal self-determination in Canada. He is admirably equipped to take up this challenge, having grown up amidst the political struggles of the Kahnawake Mohawk, and armed with a Ph.D. in comparative and political thought from Cornell University. Alfred’s primary objective is to clarify what Aboriginal self-determination means and how it can become a reality. In doing so he takes both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal leaders to task for shortsightedness, unfairness, and misrepresentation. The book includes three sections—peace, power, and righteousness—all of which have to be read if Alfred’s intent is to be appreciated. Peace is apparently unattainable for First Nations in a society that fosters materialism, consumerism, and corporate globalization, all of which stand diametrically opposed to traditional [End Page 251]Indigenous values (25, 40). As the process of decolonization finally gets underway, Native communities often find themselves represented by leaders who have moved away from the principles embedded in traditional First Nations cultures, accommodated Western cultural values, and endorsed the larger political and economic system (28). They, like government bureaucrats, seem to have forgotten that, at the time of European contact, Native American societies had already achieved true civilization and functioned democratically. Alfred does not romanticize the past, but observes that it is time for First Nations to stop “rejoicing in our survival,” recognize their past pain and sorrows, and take up the challenge of fulfilling their responsibilities to their ancestors. Power is defined and analyzed in the second section. Alfred analyzes the phrases—abuse of power and re-empowerment—in delineating violations in power brokering by leaders in both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal communities. He contends that some Native power wielders have become disconnected from their communities by emulating the philosophy and tactics of dominant government structures and operations. Thankfully, some traditionalists, recognizing the risk of intellectual co-optation, have adopted a more Indigenous stance and focused on actualizing their own powers and ignoring opposing external powers (72). Formalizing a traditional perspective could keep Indigenous peoples from pursuing sovereignty in the format practiced in Canada and the United States. By becoming Westernized, current Aboriginal leaders may legitimize dominant societal hierarchical structures that allow leaders to rule their own people in despotic fashion. By contrast, “Native leaders have the responsibility to expose the truth and debunk the imperial pretence that supports the doctrine of state sovereignty and white society’s dominion over indigenous nations and their lands” (83). On a positive note, Alfred notes that Indigenous leaders around the world have experienced a measure of success in undermining the intellectual credibility of state sovereignty as the only legitimate form of Aboriginal self-government. Alfred elucidates a series of formalized steps used by state agents to co-opt Aboriginal leaders (99), a paradigm by which Native leaders can achieve balance in their political lives (103), a list of characteristics indicative of a healthy traditional Aboriginal outlook (106), and four Machiavellian principles to avoid in forging honest forms of leadership (113). Righteousness is sometimes understood in terms of acting kindly, honestly, and fairly towards other human beings. For Native people, the challenge of meeting the terms of this definition are particularly complex. Aboriginals find themselves caught between attempting to meet the needs of their communities and restoring them to health, and, at the same time, trying to satisfy the demands and expectations of mainstream society. This is not always easy when leaders are insensitive or out-of-touch [End Page 252]with their constituents. “Unfortunately, many Native politicians share a political vision that mirrors the worst tendencies of mainstream society” (139). Alfred documents the experience of the Sechelt First Nation in which members of the local community found it necessary to reject an Agreement-in-Principle signed by their leadership with government officials. Subsequent elections and confrontations brought negotiations between the Sechelt Band and the government to a halt. But...

Marketing Adult Education for Megaprojects in the Northwest Territories

This empirical research inquiry examines the influence that the current economic climate - driven by the extraction of non-renewable resources currently underway in the Northwest Territories - is having on adult education policy and program development. A qualitative methodology involving open-ended interviews was chosen for this study to better understand how local realities of labour market influenced educational policy and its implications for policy process and practice. The inquiry gathers perceptions of those given authority and responsibility for developing policy on behalf of northerners, and also those affected by such policies. Interviews were conducted during the summer of 2005 and included policy planners at Aurora College and other stakeholders involved in northern development, adult education and training. Findings suggest that the cooptation of adult education by market forces has occurred despite increased local autonomy through recent Aboriginal self-governance initiatives. Implications for community sustainability and governance are examined within this context.

A Common Hunger: Land Rights in Canada and South Africa (review)

Reviewed by: A Common Hunger: Land Rights in Canada and South Africa Peter Russell Joan G. Fairweather . A Common Hunger: Land Rights in Canada and South Africa. University of Calgary Press. xxi, 260. $39.95 In a very broad sense the encounters of indigenous peoples in Canada and Black South Africans with European imperialism follow similar storylines: centuries of domination and dispossession motivated by racism and greed until, in the late twentieth century, recovery begins. That is the kernel of what is 'common' to the hunger of the two sets of peoples who are the subject of Joan Fairweather's book. But, of course, it is the differences within that picture that are most interesting and instructive. The difference of crucial importance is that between a group of long-established nations becoming a marginalized minority and trying to survive in a state dominated by descendants of their colonial oppressors, and an oppressed people who are now the majority trying to use the instruments of constitutional democracy to redress injustices of the recent past. Although Joan Fairweather is well aware of this fundamental difference, her account of the past and of the possibilities for the future, too often fails to take its implications into account. Part of the difficulty stems from lack of clarity in her treatment of 'indigenous peoples.' In her preface, she explains, 'The indigenous peoples of both countries are referred to generically as "first peoples" or "aboriginal peoples." ' These terms apply clearly enough to the Canadian situation. But in applying them to South Africa, she says that 'African' refers to 'South Africa's indigenous Bantu-speaking inhabitants.' As the book [End Page 341] proceeds, too often her analysis fails to distinguish the situation of peoples like the Khoe-San, who as small marginalized peoples are struggling to retain their culture and a measure of autonomy within contemporary South Africa and are considered 'indigenous peoples' in the United Nations definition of that term, from the circumstances and aspirations of South Africa's Black majority. Greater sensitivity to the differences between the position of indigenous peoples in Canada and that of Bantu-speaking South Africans is essential to understanding why critics of Aboriginal self-government in Canada are so mistaken in referring to it as a form of apartheid. Under apartheid Black South Africans were forcibly removed to Bantustans, whereas for Aboriginal peoples the 'self-government' movement is the manifestation of their aspiration to gain recognition of their responsibility for their societies and their traditional lands. Fairweather, a South African writer and historian who is now working as an archivist in Ottawa, has a much stronger grasp of apartheid and efforts to overcome its legacy than she does of North America's indigenous peoples and their struggle for recognition and justice. The author does not have a firm enough grasp of legal material to provide a good comparative analysis of land rights in the two countries. She does not seem to know about the historical and jurisprudential underpinnings of common law Aboriginal title. For her it is simply 'the English case method.' This means that we cannot learn much from her book on how the implementation of land rights in South Africa's constitution compares with the recognition of Aboriginal title elsewhere in the common law world. The strength of Fairweather's book is its well-written narrative account of the injustices and hardship suffered by indigenous peoples in Canada and Black South Africa and her sympathetic but shrewd assessment of their prospects of recovery from this experience. Peter Russell Department of Political Science, University of Toronto Copyright © 2008 University of Toronto Press Incorporated

Four Pathways to Aboriginal Self-Government in Canada

Recent decades have seen the rising of a vital, multifaceted politics in Canada, focused on the future relations between Aboriginal peoples and the Canadian state. While there are many debates about specific arrangements, there is consensus that the negotiated establishment of Aboriginal self-government constitutes a major piece of unfinished business for the Canadian federation. This essay seeks to contribute more structure and focus to contemporary debates by examining four different models of Aboriginal government: “mini-municipalities,” a third order of government institutions, the public government federal option, and nation-to-nation relations. Each form has different implications for the relationship between Aboriginal and Canadian political communities, and each has different implications for the institutions and practices of Canadian federalism. We argue that further concurrency of powers and greater asymmetries in intergovernmental relations are likely to be notable features of the Canadian federation, and that no single model or pathway is likely to emerge as the dominant one in the near and medium term.

Les activités internationales des autochtones du Canada

Aboriginal peoples of Canada have never limited themselves to the national scène in their struggle to obtain the recognition of their collective rights and powers. Since 1974, this phenomenon has increased noticeably and the international activities of Aboriginal peoples can be seen as a major event in Canadian external affairs. However, Aboriginal peoples of Canada are not a homogenous group. Their participation in the international Systems or institutions is as varied as the traditions and the expectations of each aboriginal nation towards political action. Beyond a typology of the external relations of Aboriginal peoples, the approach used in this article offers new perspectives over the extent and the meaning of their international personality : without being a condition of aboriginal self-government, the participation in the international arena is certainly promoting the realization of this ideal.

Indigenous Nationhood Claims and Contemporary Federalism in Canada and the United States

Vibrant indigenous communities have not only survived in both the United States and Canada but have recently been advancing a variety of renewed political claims. Central among them are claims to nationhood status and treatment as sovereign governments rather than as racial or ethnic minority groups. While initially following parallel trajectories, these respective efforts have produced surprising and divergent results to date. Although the acceptance of robust indigenous self-government is much more a feature of Canadian public discourse, and robust aboriginal self-government has been affirmed in a few unique but high-profile cases, federally-recognised tribal governments in the United States in general exercise more substantive governmental powers. This article addresses this puzzle and attempts to explain the observed respective changes in terms of both the political status of indigenous groups and federalist political structures. Utilising a comparative approach closely examining the two cases regarding a number of key factors, the analysis presented here identifies the source of the divergence in “Policy feedback” from three historical differences between the two post-colonial nations. Prior actions regarding recognition of inherent indigenous sovereignty, the forced breakup of tribal lands, and ties to the British Crown shaped the political channels through which tribal nationhood claims were promoted in the present. Contingently rather than deterministically, these political channels led to the distinctive outcomes in each nation.

Shifting boundaries: aboriginal identity, pluralist theory, and the politics of self-government

Acknowledgments Introduction 1. Identity Politics and Pluralist Theory 2. Approaches to Aboriginal Identity 3. Aboriginal Culture, Nation, and the Politics of Difference 4. Aboriginal Women, Youth, and the Priority of Individual Choice 5. Aboriginal Boundaries and the Demand for External Equality 6. Aboriginal Identity and the Desire for Internal Equality Conclusion: Aboriginal Self-Government and the Politics of Pluralism Notes Bibliography Index

Political Theory and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

List of contributors Acknowledgements 1. Introduction Duncan Ivison, Paul Patton and Will Sanders Part I. Sovereignty: 2. Waitangi as mystery of state: consequences of the ascription of federative capacity to the Maori J. G. A. Pocock 3. The struggles of indigenous peoples for and of freedom James Tully 4. Beyond regret: Mabo's implications for Australian constitutionalism Jeremy Webber 5. Engaging with indigeneity: Tino Rangatiratanga in Aotearoa Roger Maaka and Augie Fleras Part II. Identity: 6. Paths towards a Mohawk nation: narratives of citizenship and nationhood in Kahnawake Audra Simpson 7. (De)Constructing the politics of indigeneity Manuhuia Barcham 8. On display for its aesthetic beauty: how western institutions fabricate knowledge about aboriginal cultural heritage Sonia Smallacombe 9. On the plurality of interests: aboriginal self-government and land rights John Bern and Susan Dodds Part III. Democracy: 10. The liberal image of the nation William E. Connolly 11. Minority claims under two conceptions of democracy Philip Pettit 12. American multiculturalism and the 'nations within' Will Kymlicka 13. Hybrid democracy: Iroquois federalism and the postcolonial project Iris Marion Young Notes Bibliography Index.

Cycles of History in Plateau Sociopolitical Organization: Reflections on the Nature of Indigenous Band Societies

The nature of indigenous band societies is examined through an analysis of the historical dynamics of sociopolitical organization among the Secwepemc of the northern Plateau. Secwepemc history is characterized by recurrent tensions between the autonomy of extended family groups and the solidarity of the band collective. Unlike earlier static, and trait-based models of Plateau culture,this processual and historically grounded model of sociopolitical organization can account for cultural diversity among Plateau groups, can recognize patterned processes of cultural continuity and change through history, and may be applicable to other North American indigenous band societies. By implication, viable and sustainable forms of Aboriginal self-government in Canada must incorporate innovative structures allowing expression of these enduring commitments to different levels of social belonging.