Native Names Research Articles

Terminologia prawnicza w podlaskich dokumentach urzędowych z drugiej połowy XVI wieku

This article attempts to characterize legal terminology in the Podlasie official documents of the second part of the XVIth century. It follows from the research that Knyszyn writers used legal terms that were in use in the XVIth century Poland. The Podlasie documents include native names deriving from a pre-Slavonic (e.g. law, plaintiff, warranty) and Old Polish (for example : jednacz [mediator] , poręka [warrantor] , rzecznik [advocate]) language, as well as the names which appeared in the Polish language of the XVIth century (e. g . kuna [tether, handcuff], porucznik [commissioner], poruka [warranty] ) . In the Knyszyn city records there are also foreign terms: German (e.g. burmistrz [mayor], wargielt [compensation], wójt [village administrator]) and Latin (e.g. apelacja [appeal], instancja [instance] , plenipotencja [proxy]) .

Native plants of southern Nevada: an ethnobotany

The southern Great Basin/northern Mojave desert region is home to several different Paiute and Shoshone peoples, all of whom speak languages in the Numic language family. These societies shared a way of life based mainly on harvesting wild plants, following an annual cycle of moving and gathering the seasonally abundant resources. Because of this, they were familiar with and used the full range of plant communities, from the warm-desert Mojave to the cold-desert Great Basin, becoming practiced botanists. They learned which plants and plant parts were useful for curing certain ailments, which produced colorful dyes, which would keep spirits away, and which crops ripened when in a particular locality. Native Plants of Southern Nevada arranges that plant knowledge in a traditional field-guide fashion: trees, large shrubs and vines, small shrubs and subshrubs, yuccas and agaves, cacti, herbaceous plants, grasses and grasslike plants, and bulbs. It also lists the native names given by the Owens Valley Paiute, Southern Paiute, Timbisha Shoshone, and Western Shoshone peoples, includes plant description and habitat specifics, and discusses the native uses of each plant. It gathers and compiles the wealth of information buried and scattered in ethnographic notes and monographs, and combines that with good color photographs of the plants, making them easily identifiable in the field.

Historical dictionary of Sydney

Part 1 THE DICTIONARY Part 2 Appendix 1: Population of Sydney and Surrounding Communities Part 3 Appendix 2: Mayors and Lord Mayors of Sydney Part 4 Appendix 3: Anglican Bishops and Archbishops of Sydney Part 5 Appendix 4: Catholic Archbishops of Sydney Part 6 Appendix 5: Variant Spellings of Aboriginal Names Part 7 Appendix 6: Periodicals from and about Sydney Part 8 Appendix 7: Slang, Nicknames, and Catchphrases from Sydney Part 9 Bibliography

Defensive Dialogues: Native American Mascots, Anti-Indianism, and Educational Institutions

Exploring the arguments and practices employed by educational institutions to defend the continued use of Native American names, logos, and imagery, this article argues that such efforts derive from and promote anti-Indianism. After an outline of the scope and significance of anti-Indianism, the common arguments advanced in defense of mascots are discussed. The central strategies employed by educational institutions in an effort to preserve “their” Indians are identified, with particular emphasis on misrecognition, possessiveness, compromise, denial, deferral, endorsement, and terror. The significance of these anti-Indian practices for Native Americans is addressed, and suggestions are made about ways to critically read such enactments of Indianness.

Confirming Unilocal Residence in Native North America

Some scientists have been reluctant to cite the coded entries of the Human Relations Area Files, especially concerning marriage and residence, because the codes are largely based on normative statements rather than empirical data. In this article, HRAF assertions about postmarital residence among Crees and Mvskoke Creeks are tested against empirical databases. For Crees, 97.6 per cent of early historical first marriages were found to be patrilocal, in accordance with tribal law. For Creeks, 94.9 per cent of such marriages were matrilocal, also according to tribal law. (Cree, Creek, postmarital residence, HRAF) ********** Data collected by human geneticists in recent years seem to show regular patterns in the global and regional distributions of human alleles (Cavalli-Sforza, Menozzi, and Piazza 1994; Seielstad, Minch, and Cavalli-Sforza 1998; Stoneking 1998; Mesa et al. 2000; Jorde et al. 2000). To understand the mating patterns and social practices that might have produced these regularities, geneticists have followed the example of paleodemographers, ecologists, and epidemiologists in consulting standard ethnographic references such as the Human Relations Area Files (HRAF) (Keeley 1988; Sellen and Mace 1999; Flaxman and Sherman 2000). (2) These and related publications provide descriptions of kinship structures and marriage practices, especially among small-scale, non-Western societies. In Murdock's Atlas of World Cultures (1981), for example, many ethnographically known societies have been described and categorized by their definitions of incest, and by patterns of spouse selection and postmarital residence (Barry and Schlegel 1980). (3) An important and long-standing question among ethnologists, however, is whether these characterizations merely represent ideal or normative patterns elicited from native people by ethnographic researchers, or whether they represent the actual practice of each society at the time of the fieldwork, during the so-called ethnographic present (Driver 1973; Moore 1994:363; Bernard 1994). There are many reasons why normative characterizations of social practice were not or sometimes could not be confirmed empirically at the time of the original ethnographic fieldwork, mostly in the early and middle twentieth century. Foremost among these reasons was a lack of time and money, since fieldwork at that time was often restricted to a period of twelve to eighteen months, only enough time to witness one seasonal cycle of cultural events. Another difficulty in collecting data on matters of marriage and kinship was the frequent unwillingness of native people to discuss such sensitive subjects as paternity and adoption (Barnes 1978; Rivers 1968; Dyke and Morrill 1980). Also, genealogical inquiries in some societies were sometimes confounded by native name taboos and complex kinship systems that were frequently difficult for an outsider to penetrate (Amadiume 1993; Chagnon 1974:90-103). In addition, there may have been indifference to empirical data on the part of some sociocultural anthropologists whose main interest was in religion or rituals rather than demography or human biology. It seems significant that ethnographies written from a quantitative perspective, such as those by Birdsell (1993) and Friedlaender (1987), were published by anthropologists who were emphatically biological in orientation, or by teams of fieldworkers that included a biological anthropologist. With them, as with current human geneticists, biological practice was more important than normative culture, and much of their work depended on the quantity and reliability of their genealogical data. And last, with the eclipse of structural functionalism by structuralism in the 1960s and '70s, many kinship analysts have been more concerned with the formal systematics of kinship than with kinship as a charter for role behavior (Peletz 1995:346-51; Fat 1990; Godelier, Trautman, and Fat 1998). …

Errata

In the Illustration of Spokane<tf> by Barry Carlson and John Esling in JIPA 30, there was a misprint in the first line of page 97 in the name of the language and in the orthographic text on page 101. The Native name of the Spokane language is Npoqíniscn.

Contributions of the United States Geological Survey to the Documentation of Alaska Native Names, 1950–75

AbstractThe mapping of Alaska, primarily at the beginning of the twentieth century· and again just after the middle of the century, documented thousands of native-language placenames. A recent study of the placenames of a 3,800-square-mile area centered on the Stevens Village ancestral lands adjacent to the Yukon River provided the correct forms of more than 200 Athabaskan placenames, and rescued much of the oral system that had fallen into disuse. A systematic review should be undertaken of the approximately 3,000 Alaska native names collected in the 1950-75 period so that more accurate versions could be considered for adoption. An essential resource for such a review is Donald Orth's 1967 Dictionary of Alaska Place Names, which provides precise citations of sources.

Looking Out for Our Indigenous People: The Canadian Experience

Respected Elders Djerrkura and Dodson, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, good afternoon. My Aboriginal name is Pad8gi Pai8, which means ‘Coming Thunder’ in the Abenaki language and I am a member of the Odanak Band of the Abenaki First Nation. I want to acknowledge and thank the traditional caretakers of the land we stand on today, the Larrakia People Meegwetch. I am truly honoured to be here with you today and want to take this opportunity to thank the Institute of Public Administration Australia (IPAA) and the Commonwealth Association for Public Administration and Management (CAPAM) for inviting me.

Official Recognition of Canada's Aboriginal Toponymy: an Historical Perspective

AbstractFrom the early days of a national geographical names board in Canada, at the tum of the century, this authority has been concerned with the official recognition of Aboriginal toponymy for government and public use. Initially, the principles of nomenclature of the Geographic Board of Canada addressed the writing of such names; in more recent years the work of the Canadian Permanent Committee on Geographical Names (CPCGN) has included a wider ranging approach.The CPCGN has provided forums for discussion of languages and writing systems; has published guidelines for field collection and bibliographic material; and has addressed the use of extended Roman alphabet characters for spelling Aboriginal names on the Canadian Geographical Names Database.Recording Aboriginal names from oral tradition and the systematic creation of records at provincial/territorial and national levels will continue to be a significant activity of the CPCGN into the twenty-first century.

Native Americans in America: A Theoretical and Historical Overview

-L ate-twentieth-century Native America presents the same conflicts as the late eighteenth century: land and water rights, hunting and fishing, religious freedom, criminal and civil jurisdiction. In fact, these conflicts are typical of relations between indigenous peoples and colonizers on the American continent as a whole beginning more than five centuries ago. Occasional hot spots receive wide attention-Anishinaabe fishing in Wisconsin, Puyallup fishing in Washington, the Black Hills in the Dakotas, Yucca Mountain in Western Shoshone territory, Big Mountain in Navajo and Hopi territory, Venetie Village in Alaska, Mohawk communities on the New York-Canadian border. These are heightened ex3 amples of continual and widespread political conflict involving Native > Americans in America. It is likely there is no region of America at any given time not facing at least one Native issue in more than one venue, including subsistence rights, grave desecration and repatriation, child and family custody matters, and sports mascot and other commercial uses of 7 7 Native names and images. It may appear that the last issue is wholly modern, with no precedent in early history, but sports mascots are contemporary manifestations of what appeared in colonial fund-raising: the Puritans of the Massachusetts Bay Company circulated in English churches cartoon images of a Native American holding out his hands and saying, Come over and help us.' This was the official seal of the

Medicinal Plants of the Lowland Inga People of Colombia

Native names and uses are given for 46 plant species used by the Inga people of the Rio Caqueta region north and east of Mocoa, Putumayo, Colombia.

Sanan: Traces of a Previously Unknown Aboriginal Language in Colonial Coahuila and Texas

A specific batch of more than a hundred personal aboriginal names, as well as several group appellations, represent a previously unrecognized language of eastern Coahuila and Texas. These names were recorded principally during the eighteenth century in Spanish missions near San Fernando de Bexar (now San Antonio, Texas) and a few other places. The basic sounds of this Sanan tongue, which is named here, are transcribed in quasiphonemic fonn and a number of tentative morphological entities are defined. Although phonetic and (minor) morphological comparisons with known regional languages argue that Sanan is separate and distinct, the data are insufficient to deal with the question of historical ties between Sanan and other languages of the western Gulf lowlands. Yet Sanan is different from the intrusive Tonkawa language of Texas, although historians such as H.E. Bolton suggested years ago that certain Sanan groups were originally Tonkawan in language and ethnicity. The study argues that some Sanan group names may have been derived from personal names of prominent people, some of whom may have been women. Other Sanan social customs are proposed as a result of the name study.

An analysis of the 17-th century map ‘novvelle france’

This paper presents an analysis of the manuscript map ‘Novvelle France’ now located at the Ministry of Defence, Taunton, England. It is one of the few maps of New France that depicts the growth of geographical knowledge between the publication of Champlain’s last map (1632) and those of Nicolas Sanson (1650-57), and it is the earliest surviving map on which an attempt was made to give the locations of native groups. As such, the map is an important historical document that can be used to approximate the human geography of native Canada prior to the dispersal of these groups by 1650. The evidence suggests that the map was drafted late in 1641 using Champlain’s 1632 map, a ‘Huron map’ acquired or compiled by the Jesuit Father Paul Ragueneau in 1639 or 1640, and information supplied by two Frenchmen who had been in the Mohawk country from 1640 to 1641 as captives of the Iroquois. The native locations and names on the map were incorporated on Nicolas Sanson’s maps of 1656 and 1657. Although the author of the map ‘Novvelle France’ is not known, circumstantial evidence points to the surveyor Jean Bourdon who was active in New France from 1634 on.

The Roots and Development of the Canadian Permanent Committee on Geographical Names

AbstractThe Canadian Permanent Committee on Geographical Names traces its roots to a recommendation of land surveyors in 1888 and action by the federal government in 1897 to create the Geographic Board of Canada. Advisory committees have assisted the CPCGN with principles and procedures, undersea feature naming, alpine nomenclature, and toponymic research. The Committee has convened workshops on gazetteer production, language issues, data automation, and native names. It will continue to pursue field collection of toponyms and development of principles for standardizing toponyms and linking automated toponymic data bases

Ethnobotany of Tokelau: The plants, their Tokelau names, and their uses

Three research trips were made to the Tokelau Islands (including Swains Island), located north of Samoa in Western Polynesia, and a collection of the flora of the islands was made. At the same time, Tokelauan informants were interviewed about native names and uses of plants found there. This information was augmented by a literature review, by data on plant specimens stored at the Bernice P. Bishop Museum, and by interviews with other Tokelauans now living in Samoa. From this information, an account of Tokelauan plant names and their ethnobotanical uses was compiled.

Piscicidal plants of nepal: Preliminary toxicity screening using grass carp ( Ctenopharyngodon idella) fingerlings

A survey of traditional fishermen in Chitwan District of Nepal identified the native names of 97 species of plants believed to possess piscicidal properties. Ninety-two were collected and identified. Eighty-two of these were tested for toxicity using grass carp ( Ctenopharyngodon idella) fingerlings (2–3 cm total length) as test organisms. Thirty-six species that killed the fingerlings within 2 h at 1% (w/v) extract concentration or less were categorized as poisonous. Forty-six species did not kill fingerling even at 1% extract concentration within 2 h.

Native Toponymy and territorial rights

Native place names are landmarks which may provide quantitative and qualitative evidence usefully referred to for the land claims question. This paper describes the context and the method of a research project which draws from the lower Mackenzie Valley toponymic data of the last century some useful conclusions related to the actual native land claims in that region.

Two notes on [Vergil] Catalepton 2

The difficulty of this little poem is shown by the facts that Ausonius had no idea what it was about, and that Westendorp Boerma's commentary takes 22 pages to explicate its five lines. The latter relies on Quintilian 8.3.27ff., who quotes the poem, saying that Vergil wrote it to attack a certain Cimber for his taste in obsolete words. This is no doubt the Annius Cimber whom Augustus ridiculed when reprimanding Mark Antony for a similar foible (Suet. Aug. 86) and who, as an antiquarius is contrasted with the Asiatici oratores. For convenience, I have kept Westendorp Boerma's text, but I take issue with his interpretation on two points.4 tau Gallicum: since Bücheler tentatively suggested it in RhM 38 (1883), 508, the standard explanation of this has been to point out that a number of Latin inscriptions in Gaul use a Greek θ or else a barred D (Ð), to represent what appears to have been a dental fricative elsewhere indicated in Latin by -sd- or -st-. Thus Frank, AJP 56 (1935), 255, quotes (T)HYÐRITANVS (CIL xii 686) for what is elsewhere spelled Thysdritanus, and says that ‘Ð clearly represents the best that one Celt could do with sd’. On the basis of this supposed Gallic incompetence, Frank went on to see the repeated -st- sounds in the poem as some sort of joke on the orator's inability to pronounce this sound. His view seems to have been generally accepted.There seems to me a profound error in this viewpoint which shows cultural imperialism at its worst. First, let us note that none of the examples of alleged substitution are in Latin words; they are native names for people or places or things. The Latin names by which we know some of them are only the approximation of foreigners, and not in any sense the ‘correct’ names of those people or places.

Lake Mungo

Lake Mungo, in New South Wales, is the home of the first known people in this country. Here, the oldest known evidence of Aboriginal people in Australia has been found. Because of its importance, it is a site which everyone should know about. To give us a feeling for Lake Mungo, Billy Reid, the illustrator of The Aboriginal Health Worker and The Aboriginal Child at School, came with me on a trip. We travelled west to the Darling River (whose Aboriginal name is Calewatta), and then south-east to Lake Mungo itself. Billy made wonderful drawings to represent the deeds and everyday life of those people. This can be reconstructed from the fossil evidence found at Lake Mungo. He has also drawn some scenes of life along the banks of the Calewatta - the river which is Billy’s own home. He hails from Bourke.

SOME MEDICINAL PLANTS OF THE HEHE (SOUTHERN HIGHLANDS PROVINCE, TANZANIA)

Our search for plants that are used by primitive people in ways that might indicate an effect on the central nervous system led us to East Africa in 1963. The choice of a locality in which to collect is often fortuitous, in this case a contact with an anthropologist, one of a team from the University of California, Los Angeles, who returned from an extended stay in East Africa with a few plant specimens and a small collection of prepared medicines with local names. The former were mostly plants known to be useful and recorded in the literature, but the plant sources of the latter could not be identified from the native names. The best solution was to visit the original collection site and attempt to collect the plants from which the preparations had been made. We were fortunate in that the anthropologists were able to provide the names of an interpreter and the local medicine men. Our collecting areas were in the Southern Highlands Province in the vicinity of Iringa. The native vegetation is largely Brachystegia woodland, but the medicine men in this area have exploited the total environment, often travelling miles to get a particular plant. We were taken to a number of habitats, from pools along the Little Ruaha River, with a typical riverine vegetation, to thorn scrub on dry rocky hillsides, woodland of Brachystegia and Julbernardia, and open savanna dominated by Parinari. Because of the short time that we could spend in the field we concentrated our efforts on collecting plants that were used in the treatment of epilepsy and insanity, although occasionally we obtained specimens of plants used for other medicinal uses. Herbarium material of each plant was collected, along with material for pharmacological and chemical screening, and some information on methods of preparation of the medicines and dosages. In studying treatments for epilepsy and insanity there are special problems. The patient is often presumed to be bewitched by some supernatural power or by another person. The obvious cure is to thoroughly purge the patient of all foreign influences, and, consequently, medicines which produced violent reactions are assumed to be the most effective. Our collections are indicative of this belief. The plants we obtained contain violent purgatives and emetics, and some of the plants would produce death in overdose. These collections add a significant number of new plants and new uses to the record of medicinal plants. Of the fifty-two species collected, ten are not included in the extensive lists published by Watt and Breyer-Brandwijk (1962) and Kokwaro (1976). New medicinal uses are reported for thirty-one species. Of particular interest is the use of many of these plants in mixtures of two to eleven plants. Such mixtures complicate the pharmacological screening. The collections are listed alphabetically by family. Hehe common names, use and collection number are given. Voucher specimens are at EA and LA. The parenthetical capital letter indicates the treatment in which the plant was used. Following the species list a summary is given of the treatments used by the two informants. Treatments A-L were from an informant in a rural environment. He had