ABSTRACT This article takes a comparative approach to gendered legacies of civil war and militant women’s post-war memory activism in Ireland and Spain, and highlights a shared practice of photographic memory-keeping as a means of constructing counter-narratives of war. It focuses specifically on the testimonial memoirs “Blaze Away with your Little Gun” (1968–69) by Siobhán and Mairead de Paor and Cárcel de Mujeres (Vol. 1 and 2, 1985) and Mujeres en la Resistencia (1968) by Tomasa Cuevas, which commemorated women’s experiences of activism and imprisonment in the Irish Civil War and Spanish Civil War respectively. This article unpacks how militant women on the losing side of civil war navigated the gendered repression and enforced erasure of the post-war Irish Free State and Francoist dictatorship and uses the two case studies to demonstrate that women’s photographic practices enabled them to contest national narratives of war. It thus highlights how women’s testimonial photographic practices, the ways in which they created, re-defined, and circulated images within written memoirs, allowed them to reclaim agency over their experiences of activism and imprisonment and commemorate women who were otherwise erased from official remembrance.

ABSTRACT This article takes a comparative approach to gendered legacies of civil war and militant women’s post-war memory activism in Ireland and Spain, and highlights a shared practice of photographic memory-keeping as a means of constructing counter-narratives of war. It focuses specifically on the testimonial memoirs “Blaze Away with your Little Gun” (1968–69) by Siobhán and Mairead de Paor and Cárcel de Mujeres (Vol. 1 and 2, 1985) and Mujeres en la Resistencia (1968) by Tomasa Cuevas, which commemorated women’s experiences of activism and imprisonment in the Irish Civil War and Spanish Civil War respectively. This article unpacks how militant women on the losing side of civil war navigated the gendered repression and enforced erasure of the post-war Irish Free State and Francoist dictatorship and uses the two case studies to demonstrate that women’s photographic practices enabled them to contest national narratives of war. It thus highlights how women’s testimonial photographic practices, the ways in which they created, re-defined, and circulated images within written memoirs, allowed them to reclaim agency over their experiences of activism and imprisonment and commemorate women who were otherwise erased from official remembrance.

ABSTRACT Irish Democrat was the paper of the Connolly Association, a diaspora organisation established to build support for Irish republicanism within the British labour movement. The Connolly Association and the Irish Democrat had strong links to the Communist Party of Great Britain, which advocated for a peaceful mass movement to challenge the British presence in Northern Ireland and to remove discrimination faced by Catholics in the Six Counties. Encouraged by the wave of decolonisation across the British Empire in the 1950s-60s, both the CA and the CPGB saw the struggle against Unionist rule in Northern Ireland as analogous to events in Asia, Africa and the Middle East. This paper explores the narration of anti-colonial and national liberation movements elsewhere in the British Empire in the pages of the Irish Democrat and the overdetermination of Irish national questions by post-war discourses of radical decolonisation. It also traces the formation across difference of specific solidarities between the Connolly Association and other migrant communities within the multicultural political geography of post-war Britain, including out of campaigns against racial discrimination, the “colour bar” and post-war immigration controls.

ABSTRACT This article seeks to provide a broad overview of anti-apartheid activism in Ireland, in doing so, demonstrating that anti-apartheid activists in Ireland forged a distinct identity grounded in Ireland’s anti-colonial history as well their alignment with the African National Congress (ANC) and South African Communist Party (SACP). Focusing on the Irish Anti-Apartheid Movement (IAAM) it highlands the role played by its most prominent figure, the exiled South African academic and senior ANC/SACP member Kader Asmal. Securing a national profile through the mass protest campaign against the 1969–70 Springbok rugby tour, the IAAM portrayed itself as above domestic politics. Nonetheless, efforts to force the disaffiliation of the Provisional Sinn Féin in the early 1980s proved the impossibility of entirely avoiding entanglement in the domestic political climate. The IAAM was also criticised by the women who led the 1984–87 strike against South African goods at Dunnes’ Stores, who saw it as dependent on middle-class support and reluctant to enter the industrial sphere. Drawing on engagement with the IAAM’s internal archive, the article contributes towards filling a substantial gap in the scholarship of anti-apartheid activism globally, as well the study of left-wing activism and trade unionism in late 20th century Ireland.

ABSTRACT As with any other discipline, we are periodically drawn towards reviewing the trajectory of Irish Studies, contemplating possible future directions: What is happening now? What should come next? Four scholars at varying stages of their academic careers and located in tertiary institutions in Ireland, USA, and Australia address these questions with specific reference to the transnational or global aspects of Irish Studies, a key focus of this special issue. Their brief “snapshots” take us on a journey starting with gendered migrant histories and the methodological challenges facing the often-disappointed researcher seeking the experiences of Irish-speaking diasporas, before engaging with new ways of confronting age-old questions about both Irish migrants’ implication in the dispossession of Indigenous populations and the historical racialisation of Irishness in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand. We are then introduced to research into revolutionary Ireland’s collective global consciousness and the development of a Global Irish Studies which seeks to create a sustainable dialectic between Irish and non-Irish-based scholars, finishing with the assertion that Ireland has always been a porous and transnational space, and that while it may have been hiding in plain sight as it were, the international and relational aspect of national literatures are profound and unavoidable.

ABSTRACT The central debate over the Blueshirt movement has centred on whether the movement can be classified as fascist. The two most significant accounts of Blueshirtism, by Maurice Manning (1971) and Mike Cronin (1997) have largely avoided explicit comparisons between the Blueshirts and other European fascist movements. While John Newsinger (2001) has argued that the Blueshirts may be usefully compared to the British Blackshirts, and Fearghal McGarry (2005) has highlighted aspects of Eoin O’Duffy’s engagement with Italian Fascist ideas and practices, there is still more work to be done in exploring transnational links and possible comparisons between the Blueshirts and continental European fascist movements. This article argues that by interrogating the political culture of Blueshirtism, we can better understand its place within the spectrum of European fascisms. This article considers both the “high” and “low” aspects of Blueshirt culture. It examines the links between the Blueshirts and European fascist movements by analysing both political thought and political uniforms. By applying a transnational lens, we can thus gain a more holistic understanding of one of the most controversial political movements in modern Irish history.

ABSTRACT Across the so-called West, feminist storytelling positions reproductive justice and the often-twinned issue of women’s place within the family as a progressive issue. This conveniently ignores the inherent contradictions of the existence of only limited access to abortion in many Western nations, as well as parallel histories of access to reproductive justice in non-Western countries. Postcolonial Ireland, as an apparently Western country with a renowned history of anti-feminist legislation, has existed as one of these contradictions. In this article, we examine Irish feminists’ familial storytelling to reveal how they managed their contradictory position in a teleological narrative that positioned Western feminism as the epitome of progress. We adopt a comparative approach – looking at the lead up to the introduction of the Eighth Amendment of the Irish Constitution in 1983, which awarded the foetus constitutional rights, and then the high profile Repeal the 8th movement that successfully revoked that amendment in 2018 – to understand reproductive rights activists’ changing uses of “the family” to effect intergenerational and transnational solidarity. Applying Sara Ahmed’s concept of “sticky” emotions, we examine how feminists transformed “the Irish family” from a site of coldness and despair to one of hope, dignity, humanity and happiness.