Sort by
The impact of Austro-Hungarian plans for the construction of the Sandjak Railway on Bihor and the Novi Pazar Sandjak

The emergence of railways brought about new possibilities in people's lives, as well as in terms of political plans and actions. Railway activities began in the Balkans in the second half of the 19th century and had a significant impact on the relationships between Balkan states. This work explores the potential influence of Austro-Hungarian plans for the construction of the Sandjak Railway in the region of Bihor and the broader areas of Bijelo Polje and the Novi Pazar Sandjak, which were part of the Ottoman Empire. Austro-Hungary had expressed its ambitions in the Balkans even before the Berlin Congress, seeing the region as a bridge that could connect them to the warm Aegean Sea and further to the Middle East. The construction of the railway was one of the means by which Austro-Hungary sought to expand its influence in the Balkans. Such significant political intentions did not go unnoticed by the Ottoman Empire, which aimed to preserve its territorial integrity and possessions in that part of the Balkans. Slovene states and peoples traditionally sought protection in Russia, giving Russia an opportunity to express its own interest in exerting political influence in this part of Europe. Recognizing that Austro-Hungary was its main rival in the Balkans, Russia reached an agreement with them in 1897 to maintain the status quo. This agreement was further confirmed by the Treaty of Mürzsteg in 1903, which aimed to mutually neutralize or divide spheres of interest, with Bulgaria falling under Russian influence and Serbia under Austro-Hungarian. Austro-Hungary's primary goal was to prevent the creation of a large state in the region from the Danube to the Adriatic Sea, which would block its path eastward. As Serbia was located in that region, Austro-Hungarian propaganda was directed against it, despite traditionally good relations with the Obrenović dynasty. Austro-Hungary attempted to strengthen its political plans through the construction of a suitable railway network, which would facilitate easier and faster control of the desired territory. This led to the advocacy of the so-called “Novi Pazar Railway,” which would connect Uvac with Mitrovica. However, German Chancellor Bernhard von Bülow advised Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Count Agenor Romuald Gołuchowski to abandon this plan due to the unfavorable situation in Macedonia, where unrest was brewing. Austro-Hungarian diplomacy did not want to make a public and final decision on this proposal. All of the above had an impact on the population of all parts of the Novi Pazar Sandjak. The work examines how the construction of the railway would have stimulated economic development in the entire region by creating new trade routes and encouraging investment in economic sectors such as trade and agriculture. The paper also provides insights into potential changes in the demographic structure through the influx of populations from other parts of the Ottoman Empire and Austro-Hungary, which the railway would necessarily impose. Furthermore, it is essential to mention how the realization of the “Novi Pazar Railway” would have affected the ethnic and religious dynamics in the Bihor district and the broader area. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire intervened with Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph and Count Goluchowski on several occasions to abandon the plan to build the “Novi Pazar Railway,” as the Russian government maintained the same view it had expressed in 1900. Austro-Hungary eventually agreed, leaving only a political influence supported by the propaganda activities of secret services. This work serves as a foundation for further research and discussions on this topic.

Relevant
Some characteristics of the perpetrators and victims of war rape prosecuted before the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina

During the international armed conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995, numerous crimes were committed, among which crimes of rape are at the top of the scale of brutality. It is estimated that between 20,000 and 50,000 women and girls were raped in the aforementioned conflict, of which the largest number of these atrocities were committed by members of the Army of the Republika Srpska (VRS), the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the RS (MUP RS) and related paramilitary formations against Bosniak (muslim) women. It is to be assumed that an extremely large number of perpetrators were involved in the commission of the crimes in question, but unfortunately, a relatively modest number of suspects were prosecuted before the competent courts in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the neighboring Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Serbia. Within the framework of this work, the research focus is on the prosecution of war rapes before the War Crimes Chamber of the State Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the beginning of the work of the mentioned court until today (2005-2023). In the indicated period, 70 wartime rape cases involving 109 defendants were processed before this judicial forum. Out of that number, 55 cases were finally concluded, with convictions in 41 cases and acquittals in 14 cases. The subject of the research was some individual characteristics of perpetrators and victims of war rape. The research sample consisted exclusively of cases in which a final conviction was passed (N=41), in which 51 defendants were declared guilty of war rape and 80 victims of this crime were identified. The research established that all the convicts were male. In addition, 72% of those convicted were members of the Army of the Republika Srpska (VRS), 16% of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (RBiH Army) and 12% of the Croatian Defense Council (HVO). All members of the RBiH Army were convicted of war rape which is legally qualified as a war crime against the civilian population, which is a criminal offense that, according to the Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina (CC BiH), does not include the existence of a widespread and systematic attack on the civilian population. On the other hand, the largest number of members of the VRS and four members of the HVO who were prosecuted for wartime rape were convicted of having committed that crime as a crime against humanity, which included a campaign of widespread, massive and systematic criminal activity connected with other crimes (murder , torture, imprisonment, deportation of the population, enforced disappearance, etc.). About half of those legally convicted of war rape before the State Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina were convicted for crimes committed in eastern Bosnia (Foča 24%, Višegrad 16%, Vlasenica 6% and Rogatica 2%). At the same time, approximately 1/3 of wartime rapes (31%) were committed in a camp, 10% in a public place, and the largest number in a private house or apartment (59%). A significant number of those convicted of these crimes had been convicted before (35%) and were married (78%). Ninety-eight percent (98%) of war rape victims were female and 2% were male. The vast majority of victims (87%) were Bosniaks, while 8% were Serbs and 5% were Croats. However, the fact that almost every fifth victim of war rape (21%) was a minor at the time of committing the crime is particularly striking. The research established that most of the rapes of minors during the international armed conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina were carried out by members of the Serbian (para)military and police forces in Bosnia nad Herzegovina, as well as a few members of the HVO.

Relevant
The foundation of the independent Republic of Macedonia – A decade of international recognition (1991–2001)

The process of the disintegration of the multinational Yugoslav federation at the end of the 80s and the beginning of the 90s had a strong impact on the process of the constitution of an independent Macedonian state. In those years, the Yugoslav Federation underwent a transition from the one-party rule of the Union of Communists to the establishment of a pluralistic multi-party political system. After the legalization of the possibility to create new political parties in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia, various parties and associations emerged, which brought great diversity to the political life of the republic and laid the foundations of party pluralism in it. The grouping of the parties is based on the attitude towards the future development of Yugoslavia, which divides them into “pro-Yugoslav” and “national”. Along with the Macedonian national parties, political parties and associations on a national and ethno-religious basis are being created in the SR Macedonia. The difficulties in the Republic of Macedonia started parallel to the process of declaring its independence and especially after the breakup of Yugoslavia. Thus, in the early 90s, after the collapse of the multinational federation and the declaration of independence of some of its republics, such as Slovenia and Croatia, the Republic of Macedonia faced serious problems in its own state. Internally - the final independence of the state and liberation from the Yugoslav People's Army, and externally - its international recognition. And while the last decade of the 20th century was mainly related to the international recognition of the Republic of Macedonia, the first decade of the 21st century saw the country face serious international problems and confrontations mainly between the Macedonian and Albanian ethnic groups in the country, as well as the dilemma of further and steps towards membership in the Euro-Atlantic structures - in the EU and NATO.

Relevant
Zulfikarpašić-Milošević agreement in 1991.

Historical Background and the Emergence of New Bibliographic Units in the Context of the Contemporary Political Moment Demand a Reevaluation of Previous Interpretations Related to Events in the Territory of the Former Socialist Yugoslavia. This paper focuses on the Historical Agreement, also known as the Zulfikarpašić-Milošević Agreement, initiated by Muslims (Bosniaks). The agreement was intended as a peace and political initiative but came late in the context of the war in Croatia and the policy of regionalization pursued by the Serbian side in Bosnia and Herzegovina. After leaving the Party of Democratic Action (SDA), Adil Zulfikarpašić founded the Muslim Bosniak Organization (MBO), with the support of academician Muhamed Filipović. Dissatisfied with the policies of the SDA, Zulfikarpašić and Filipović sought to address the crisis through a different approach. In the case of the MBO, this approach involved historical reconciliation with the Serbs. While the leaders of the MBO structured this agreement as a peace and political initiative, its implementation was not possible due to the opposing state-legal concepts from the Bosniak (Muslim) side. The concept of a union of free states, central to the MBO's agreement, did not receive support from the Serbian side. In such a constellation of relationships, Yugoslavia could continue to function only as a federal state, as it best served Serbian state interests. The fundamental aim of this work is to shed light on the events preceding the agreement, what the agreement entailed, and why it ultimately failed. The introductory section of the paper analyzes Muslim (Bosniak)-Serbian historical reconciliation, which includes the period of Austro-Hungarian rule and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia when certain Muslim (Bosniak) politicians formed a specific type of alliance with the Serbs. The position of Muslims (Bosniaks) in the early 1990s significantly differed from that at the beginning of the 20th century. The paper dedicates a substantial portion of its pages to significant events in the Second Yugoslavia to provide a comprehensive synthesis. The 1974 Constitution, the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (SANU), the rise of Milošević, the abolition of autonomy for provinces in Serbia, and the republic-level elections were all events that preceded the agreement. Special attention in the paper is given to the participants of the agreement as significant political protagonists of that period, as well as the political parties whose members were part of the agreement and the architects of the policies of that era. Adil beg Zulfikarpašić undeniably played a central role in the efforts to reach a historical agreement between Muslims (Bosniaks) and Serbs. After World War II, Zulfikarpašić went into exile, where he launched the Bosanski pogledi magazine in the early 1960s. During his time in exile, he operated from various political-ideological positions, later emerging as one of the ideologues of Bosniak identity. In 1963, Zulfikarpašić participated in the founding of the Democratic Alternative, a movement in which Bosniak, Croatian, Serbian, and Slovenian intellectuals advocated for the democratization of Yugoslavia and the concept of free states within Yugoslavia. The foundation of this movement was a departure from Yugoslavia, i.e., communism, and alignment with the Western bloc of countries that based their policies on the principles of capitalism and democracy. Zulfikarpašić remained unwaveringly convinced of the correctness of the political initiative for reconciliation with the Serbs, considering the agreement the best solution under the circumstances and the only alternative to the impending war. A. Zulfikarpašić, as the main architect of the agreement, left Bosnia and Herzegovina in September 1991, and shortly thereafter, his party colleague, academician Muhamed Filipović, terminated all processes related to the agreement.

Relevant
Honest agreement or behind-the-scenes political games? New contributions to the research of Milošević-Tuđman talks in Karađorđevo and Tikveš in 1991.

During the 1980s of 20th century, socialist Yugoslavia faced various social problems, which disintegrated the fragile tissue of Tito's state-political legacy. In the early 1990s, when the unstoppable phase of dissolution of this country began, national-chauvinist quasi-elites surfaced, with the aim of realizing their great-nation ambitions in a period of general unrest. Although in this whirlwind of social events the possibility of military intervention by the JNA was used as an indispensable threat factor, the behind-the-scenes political agreements of republican leaders were often much more effective in achieving certain goals. Sometimes conducted in public, and sometimes secretly, such negotiations violated the authority of state bodies and made their existence meaningless. In this context, one can certainly observe the most famous separate negotiations from the beginning of the 1990s on the territory of the disintegrating Yugoslavia, conducted between Slobodan Milosevic and Franjo Tudjman. Although due to the lack of transcripts we have no insight into the details of these talks, many close associates of the Serbian and Croatian presidents, as well as participants in various political sessions, clearly indicate the presence of a high degree of mutual agreement on the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, today, three decades after Karadjordjev and Tikves, there is a reasonable suspicion that it was just a double political game of Slobodan Milosevic, who entered into such talks with Croatian President Franjo Tudjman, not to divide Bosnia and Herzegovina with him but to confront him with the Bosniaks and thus weaken the front against Serbian hegemony in Yugoslavia. In this paper, the author sought to shed light on these events through statements by Tudjman and Milosevic, and addresses by their close associates and participants in numerous political talks, and thus help to take a more relevant view of Bosnia and Herzegovina's positioning in Serbian and Croatian politics in the early 1990s. year of the 20th century.

Relevant
The role and significance of water in the development of Sarajevo over the course of history

Water represented a very important segment in the design and functioning of Sarajevo over the course of its long past. Water, as a symbol of life, in various forms and shapes, has been an indispensable factor in the creation and development of many urban areas in human history, which is very clearly visible in the Sarajevo example. Based on data from unpublished archival materials, published sources and relevant literature, this text attempts to present certain elements that undoubtedly led to the city's development. The work deals with different thematic areas that chronologically presented the exploitation of the water potential of Sarajevo and its immediate surroundings, as one of the key causes of the city's urban development and its economic and social transformation. In the classic Ottoman era, Sarajevo was, to the greatest extent thanks to the institution of the Waqf, an area with an extremely large number of different forms of construction on the water. Wells, fountains and shadirwans as well as a wide branched network of water supply systems, made it possible to use the bounty of water unhindered. Mills and bridges were in the function of economic activity, which directly affected the prosperity of the city. In addition to these positive examples, the paper also provides information on certain problems caused by the natural effect of water power. During the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian periods, Sarajevo was faced with floods which, depending on the intensity and whether the Miljacka or one of its tributaries flooded, caused damages of different scopes. Therefore, special attention was paid to the efforts of the city authorities to prevent such scenarios. The paper deals with the construction and maintenance of Sarajevo's water supply network. Its beginnings in the Ottoman period are presented and analyzed, as well as the first, at that time, modern approaches in the construction of a modern water supply system after the Austro-Hungarian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Austro-Hungarian authorities, aware of the existing water potential of the source of the Mošćanica river not far from Sarajevo, tried to make maximum use of these facilities with the aim of supplying the city with sufficient quantities of drinking water. The Ottoman waterworks were dilapidated and could not meet the needs of the entire population, which was constantly growing, and the city's territory was expanding year by year, so this was also an aggravating circumstance. The paper shows in detail how the construction of the first modern water supply system in Sarajevo proceeded in 1889, as well as how it functioned in the following period. The presented and analyzed cases from the original material clearly illustrate the problems faced by the residents who wanted to connect their housholds to the water supply network as well s how the new water supply system caused various types of damage to their private properties. The last segment that this paper treats refers to the use of water power for the production of electricity. Towards the end of the First World War, the Dudin Hrid power plant was put into operation, which used the water power of the existing water supply brought from the Jahorina mountain. In this way, the city was supplied with water and electricity, which was extremely important. Particular attention was paid to the construction of a hydroelectric plant on the Željeznica River, in Bogatići, not far from Sarajevo. This project, although conceived and planned at the beginning of the twentieth century, was only realized after the Second World War and represented the first built object of the First Five-Year Plan. The results of the research presented here can serve, not only within the framework of the historiographic range, but also for the needs of knowledge that is of various social significance.

Relevant
Uništavanje starih čaršija na Kosovu

The model of development for Ottoman-style cities in the territory of Kosova from the 15th century to the first decade of the 20th century revolved around a distinctive triad: the local market, the mosque, and the bazaar. In the early periods of ottoman rule, mosques were strategically built in places where there was local market. This was done intentionally, since these were places where a significant number of people gathered. The bazaars and other type of buildings, as part of the mosque complexes, played an important role in the formation and development of cities during the Ottoman period as well. Thus, directly impacting the formation and growth of cities. Among these elements, the bazaars held a special significance, as they became the reference point of cities. And this was due, mainly because of their character, which was of craft, commercial and economic importance. The bazaars were more than just places of trade; they became emblematic reference points for cities, drawing local citizens and people from surrounding regions, who integrated these bustling spaces into their daily lives. In addition to their economic and commercial functions, the bazaars held immense historical, social, and cultural importance. As the centuries passed, living and engaging with the bazaars became inseparable from the life of Kosovar cities, and these spaces became an integral part of the collective memory and identity of the inhabitants. Throughout the centuries, the bazaars in Kosova became inseparable from daily life, contributing to the region's unique charm and heritage. However, this rich historical fabric has suffered significant losses as many bazaar shops fell victim to destruction. The destruction occurred over time due to exposure to the natural elements and human interventions, but there were also cases of intentional and planned destruction. These intentional and systematic destructions started immediately after the conquest of Kosova by Serbia in 1912. Urban and spatial plans as well as various military armaments during the Albanian-Serbian war in Kosova from 1998 to 1999 were responsible for deliberate and systematic mass destruction of the bazaars. Although, the types and methods of destruction varied, the underlying purpose remained consistent. This was done with the aim to destroy, the cultural, social, and economic significance of the bazaars, to change the physiognomy structure, and style of the old traditional cities in Kosova. Thus, by destroying Albanian tangible and intangible heritage and replacing it with the conqueror's creations, the conquerors sought to erase the cultural identity and history of the local autochthonous population. This study aims to explore the motives, methods, and intentions behind the targeted bazaar destruction, drawing upon relevant documents, past evidence, and available literature. By understanding the reasons behind such destructive actions, it becomes possible to preserve and safeguard the remaining bazaar heritage and restore a sense of continuity with the past. Through this research, we can shed light on the historical, cultural and social values of these bazaars, emphasizing the importance of their conservation, protection, and promotion for future generations. By safeguarding these heritage sites, Kosova can maintain a link to it's past and continue to celebrate the legacy of its ancestors, fostering a deeper sense of identity and pride among its inhabitants.

Relevant
Cartographic sources of spatial data on the old cities of Torican and Vrbenac

Historical cartography has an important place among historical sources. Many researchers can have the opportunity to use many cartographic sources during their research. An important source in historical cartography is maps created during the reign of the Ottoman Empire on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, the existence of cartographic representations of Bosnia and Herzegovina which are the results of the work of cartographers of the world should also be emphasized. Large-scale representations found in the form of cadastral plans of various scales are of particular importance in research. However, small-scale cartographic representations also offer great help to researchers. The first large-scale representations of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina were made during the reign of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. This short period of rule on the soil of Bosnia and Herzegovina resulted in the surveying and representing of the entire territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina on cadastral plans at the scale 1:6250, 1:3125, 1:1562.5 and 1:781.25. On the basis of these large-scale representations, many small-scale representations of different topics, purposes and scales were created. Small-scale representations were made in different scales, which also dictated the detail of the representation. The maps, i.e. small-scale graphic representations, were produced at the scales of 1:12500, 1:25000, 1:75000, and 1:150000. With the end of the First World War, a new period of cartography of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina was born. During this time, topographical maps were made at the scales of 1:25,000, 1:50,000, and smaller scales. Of course, the authors of the maps monitored the situation on the ground and tried to ensure that all the details that could be shown were shown on them in terms of content and according to the possibility of the display. After the end of the Second World War, a completely new period was started in the production of graphic representations of Bosnia and Herzegovina. A special place is occupied by large-scale representations views - cadastral plans that were prepared at the scales of 1:5000, 1:2500, 1:2000, 1:1000 and 1:500. On the basis of cadastral plans, small-scale graphic representations of Bosnia and Herzegovina - maps were created. The map scales were 1:2500, 1:50000 and smaller. Maps with different purposes and themes were created. Topographic maps have a special significance. The completeness of the presentation is an important determinant of all the previously mentioned presentations. The completeness of the cartographic display is reflected in the display of all significant objects, depending on the scale of the display. The area of Bosnia and Herzegovina has many sights. Most of these sights have been measured and shown on large-scale geodetic bases - cadastral plans as well as small-scale geodetic bases - maps. Graphic representations of Bosnia and Herzegovina were created by many cartographers. Taking this as important data, Bosnia and Herzegovina or its individual parts are shown on maps of different scales related to different authors. This is precisely what results in graphic representations on which different signs, display methods, letters, and languages are represented. Cartographic representations in Bosnia and Herzegovina were created in different time periods. The depictions of Bosnia and Herzegovina go back several centuries. Cartographic representations show details that are interesting to many researchers. At the time of the creation of cartographic representations, it was not even imagined how important the representations would be for research in today's time. Historical cartography through cartographic representations offers a lot of information about many objects on the soil of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The depictions of the Travnik's old towns Toričan and Vrbenac, are especially important for the research. In the paper, the depictions of the aforementioned remnants of Travnik's old towns were investigated. They were shown on many cartographic sources of different purposes and different scales, which were made by different authors in different time periods. The paper analyzes the depiction of old cities in historical cartographic sources from the 17th to the 20th centuries.

Relevant
Development of higher education in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Historical and statistical analysis

The article presents the development of higher education in Bosnia and Herzegovina from its first serious beginnings after the Second World War until today. Considering the modest foundations of education in general, its highest level is an expression of the entire socio-historical development. The specific geographical position caused the intertwining of different influences from the East and the West on the soil of Bosnia and Herzegovina. This was also reflected in different approaches to education during the Ottoman Empire, Austria-Hungary, and later the two Yugoslavias, up to today's independent state. These conceptions had their consequences in the development of education and society's attitude towards it. However, the period after the Second World War proved to be the most intense due to the parallel work on the fast elimination of the problems of illiteracy, the lack of schools, teaching staff and the availability of education to the masses. Therefore, the radical social transformation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was particularly noticeable in the field of education. The basic source of data is official statistics from the era of Yugoslavia and contemporary Bosnia and Herzegovina. Data from the two entities and the Brčko district were combined when possible. The most important author's publications, regional and foreign, which can contribute to a better knowledge of this topic, were consulted as well. Emphasis is placed on the change in the total number of students and the participation of the male and female population in this cycle of education. Some specific tendencies were noticed. The first is a negative downward trend occurred after achieving historical growth in the number of students. In this way is represented the gradual change in the educational structure of this age group. At the end of the observed period, it is visibly different compared to the initial state. Different factors have had an impact in different periods. First of all, these are the (un)availability of education for women and the weakness of school infrastructure. Today's values are the result of negative demographic trends such as declining birth rates and migration. What unites all periods are the consequences of the direct war losses of the population. The results in the previous decade are still at a high level compared to the Yugoslav period. However, Bosnia and Herzegovina still lags behind other countries in the region. Moreover, its results are barely more than half of the European average. Slower growth, and later a decrease in the number of students shows a long-term lack of interest in higher education among this part of the population. This is why the gender gap is widening. Considering the essential role of education in the progress of society as a whole, the development of higher education contributes to a large extent to the better living standard of the population, creating the necessary preconditions for different social relations. In the first place, there is an improved position of women due to greater economic independence. The scientific contribution of this work is not negligible either, and is reflected in pointing out numerous research opportunities. At the first place, there is an interdisciplinary connection of history, geography (demography) and sociology. On the basis of demographic data, it is possible to draw historical conclusions explained by sociological laws and phenomena. Further, the change of focus from political to social topics could be a small incentive for future research on national history. Moreover, this approach enables comparisons at various levels: from local, through national to regional, and beyond. Transnational connections established in this way can be a new form of consensus on important topics. In this way, the place of a society in the world is determined and the necessary objective idea of its abilities and problems is acquired.

Relevant
Towards the NATO Path – From the formation and structure of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina

The concrete plans for the preparation and execution of aggression against Bosnia and Herzegovina were drawn up by the General Staff of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) in Belgrade. The JNA, in conjunction with the political leadership of Serbia and Bosnian Serbs, defined the objectives, planned, and determined the tactics and methods of waging war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In response to the aggression and the need for the survival of the state and all its peoples who considered Bosnia and Herzegovina as their homeland, the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina emerged. The legally elected representatives of the authorities and institutions of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina had the obligation to protect the territorial integrity of the state, its citizens, economy, culture, and other assets. To make this possible, the Presidency of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina made a decision to mobilize units of the Territorial Defense, the reserve component of the police, and civil defense units, followed by the issuance of regulations by the Presidency to regulate the formation and composition of the armed forces of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, thereby transforming the Territorial Defense into the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Army became the core of the formation of the Federation's military and later the Armed Forces of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Today, Bosnia and Herzegovina's foreign policy is focused on preserving and advancing lasting peace, security, stable democratic development, and contributing to international peace and security. The principle of collective security is the cornerstone of the long-term military strategy. Achieving the military security of Bosnia and Herzegovina includes membership in NATO, where the Alliance guarantees national sovereignty and territorial integrity. The first step in this direction is membership in NATO's political-military program, Partnership for Peace (PfP), which Bosnia and Herzegovina joined on December 14, 2006. Membership in NATO and the European Union are strategic goals of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and in line with this, there is a striving for full NATO membership, which implies the integration of the armed forces into NATO's military structure, especially in peacekeeping missions and humanitarian operations. The formal basis for PfP is the Framework Document, which envisions the commitment of allies to consult with each partner country that believes its territorial integrity is threatened or its political independence or security is in danger. Under this document, individual countries and the NATO Alliance develop and align individual partnership programs with the goal of achieving NATO standards, procuring military equipment, training and education of military personnel, joint maneuvers and exercises, and other areas of cooperation.

Relevant