Abstract
This report, which was submitted to the court during the 1996 Liddell hearings, has been divided into two parts and revised to incorporate points raised during Trent's testimony on March 19, 1996. Part one analyzes the effects of on student achievement and is based on data supplied by the St. Louis Public School District, including its student master file for 1994-95, cohort files covering four cohorts of students, and call-in enrollment data files. Part two draws on national survey data, and focuses on the effects of on education, employment, and attitudes. The policy implications of both sets of findings are discussed. My analysis of the St. Louis school district data suggests conclusions that are consistent with the research literature, including my own research on the subject. I found a persistent race effect, by which I mean that Black students perform less well on the Stanford Achievement Test in both reading and mathematics than do their White peers. Using regression analysis, I attempted to see if the difference between Black and White students' scores could be explained in part by differences in the students` family backgrounds. For this analysis, I considered factors that are often associated with differences in achievement, and found that the effect persists even after introduction of several control measures. Among these controls were student background (age, sex, and socioeconomic status [SES], as represented by eligibility for free or reduced-price lunches), prior test scores (the earliest test score available in the same subject in kindergarten or first grade), and school characteristics (including school size-that is, total enrollment, and poverty concentration). In a separate analysis of the above data, I looked at poverty concentrations in the neighborhood where students live, as measured by U.S. Census tract. Again, the persistent, negative consequences of student race-or more precisely, being Black-remained, even after controlling for poverty concentration where students live. More important for educational policymakers, however, I found a consistently negative effect of high poverty concentrations in school on students' educational attainment. Black students are more likely to attend schools with higher concentrations of economically disadvantaged students than are White students. Thus, they are more likely to experience a quality of educational treatment that reduces their scores on the Stanford Achievement Test, even after factoring out the effects of other possible causes. Tables I and II present the evidence for these conclusions.1 For the benefit of nonsocial scientists, I will try to explain the meaning of these numbers. My analysis of the St. Louis school district data entailed merging the school system's master student file, four cohort files, and its call-in enrollment data to create a working file of 4,096 cases for individual students. I approached these data by means of regression analyses. To try to explain why there exists a gap between the achievement scores of Black and White students in the St. Louis area, I employed students' achievement test scores in reading and mathematics as dependent variables. I next introduced several independent variables to determine their effect on the difference. These factors included students race, age, sex, socioeconomic status (eligibility for free or reduced-price school lunches), prior test scores in the same subject, and school characteristics.2 Some of the independent variables were found to yield no difference, while others made a real difference. Some of these differences were statistically significant-that is, they evidenced a high likelihood that the difference resulting from a variable could not have occurred by chance. First, I determined, by use of regression analysis, the differences in achievement scores of Black and White students. To walk through Table I, the value for the unstandardized coefficient associated with (B) is -24. …
Published Version
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