What Is Polynesian Kinship All about?

Abstract

The existence of extragenealogical considerations in cultural definition of and descent has been discussed at length by anthropologists in recent years. The possibility that residence and co-operation may be as much factor as descent in determining group membership in Melanesia has been taken seriously at least since Barnes (I962) first broached issue for New Guinea Highlands. Since then, Langness (I964: I70) has contended that among Bena Bena, a man might hold rights in group into which he was born, equivalent rights in group in which he was raised, his mother's group (either her natal group or one she happened to be raised in), and so on. Salisbury (1965) has argued that Siane may obtain clan membership by growing up on clan's lands even in absence of true connection, and Strathern (I972, I973) has presented similar interpretations of Melpa social structure. Likewise for kinship, it has been suggested that among Bena Bena, the sheer fact of residence in . . . group can and does determine kinship (Langness I964: I72). The distinction between true and tenuous kin ties among Fore has been said to be dependent on the importance and solidarity of bond and not necessarily ... genealogical closeness (Glasse I963: 33). The Kaluli are described as viewing kinsmen fundamentally as those with whom one shares, and even sharing something so unlikely as case of ringworm may qualify one as kinsman (Schefflein I976: 56). Comparable observations have been made for island Melanesian cultures, both in recent works (e.g., Weiner I9T6: IgI7) and in older literature dating back at least to Rivers (I9I5: 700). Treatment of this issue in Micronesia has been less extensive, but it has enjoyed comparable prominence. It was Silverman, discussing Banabans, Gilbertese community relocated on Rambi Island, Fiji, who formulated and mud hypothesis. He (I970, I97 I) suggested that among Banabans, was defined in terms of shared substance, which may be symbolized by either blood or land, each of which implies (but does not entail) other. A group called toghinau on Yap in Western Carolines was first described by Schneider (I955, I962) as patrilineal lineage. In I969, Schneider revised his position, suggesting that tabinau was basically group of people sharing common tract of land, and this view has been generally supported by subsequent researchers (e.g., Lingenfelter I975; Kirkpatrick and Broder I976; Labby I976) who have characterized tabinav by such terms as landed estate. Similarly, Yapese appears to be defined in terms of what Labby (I976) has described as dialectic between land and people (see also Kirkpatrick and Broder I976; Schneider I953). In discussing Greater Trukese Society, Marshall (I976, I977, I98I) has emphasized importance of economic co-operation particularly sharing food-as determinant of kinship. To emphasize point