Voyager pour apprendre: les Canadiens reçus docteurs en médecine à Paris au XIXe siècle.

هدف اصلی مقالة پیش رو بررسی نحوة برساخت مرز و مرزگذاری فرهنگی و اجتماعی در سفرنامة ظهیرالدوله (همراه مظفرالدین‌شاه به فرنگ) است. این سفرنامه که در بحبوحة انقلاب مشروطه نگاشته شده، از لحاظ جایگاه اجتماعی- سیاسی نگارنده حائز اهمیتی ویژه است. بحث توسعه‌یافتگی و مدرنیزاسیون جامعة ایرانی، لاجرم در ارتباط با کشورهای غربی پیوندی تنگاتنگ داشته است. به‌طور تاریخی و حتی در دوران معاصر، همیشه این سؤال مطرح بوده است که چگونه می‌توانیم ضمن برقراری و حفظ رابطه با غرب، الگویی مطلوب برای توسعة جامعة ایرانی فراهم کنیم؟ این رابطه برای جامعة ایران با مسائل و پیچیدگی‌های فراوانی همراه بوده و از دورة قاجار تاکنون هیچ‌گاه از این پیچیدگی‌ها و تنش‌ها کاسته نشده است. با جستن ریشه‌های تاریخی و فرهنگی و پژوهش دربارة اساس شکل‌گیری این رابطه در بستری تاریخی می‌توان به درک همه‌جانبه‌تری از هویت درحال شکل‌گیری جامعة ایران دست یافت. همچنین تلاش بر این است که با تحلیل محتوای قسمت‌های منتخب سفرنامة مذکور، نخستین لحظه‌هایی که در آن انواع مرزهای اجتماعی و فرهنگی به شکل‌دهی مفهومی «هویت ایرانی» دامن زده‌اند، ثبت شود. به‌علاوه نشان داده شده است که چگونه در این قبیل سفرنامه‌ها محور توجه از پیشرفت کشورهای مقصد به نقص‌های جامعة ایران معطوف شده است و بیشتر از آنکه دیگری ستایش شود، خود ملامت و سرزنش می‌شود.

How the Old World Ended: The Anglo-Dutch-American Revolution, 1500-1800. By Jonathan Scott. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2019. Pp. 392. $35.00 hardcover, $16.99 Kindle).To Begin the World Over Again: How the American Revolution Devastated the Globe. By Matthew Lockwood. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2019. Pp. 506. $30.00 hardcover, $15.71 Kindle).WHEN future historians write the history of our own time, a major theme, it seems safe to say, will be the awareness that we live in a moment of disruption on a planetary scale. Exactly what the historians of tomorrow make of that fact is hard to say. As Jonathan Scott and Matthew Lockwood argue in the books under review here, two things seems clear. The disruptions of the twenty-first century did not begin yesterday, and the North American colonies that became the United States are an important part of the story.As the long title of How the Old World Ended suggests, Scott's focus is the early modern Netherlands and England, with North America playing an increasingly important role as the eighteenth century progressed. It was here, Scott maintains, in what he calls the “water world” of the North Sea and its Atlantic periphery, that Europeans first liberated themselves from the “production and demographic limits of pre-industrial agriculture” (3, 37). Key to this transformation was a shared Anglo-Dutch culture of commercial, agricultural, and industrial innovation, which allowed the two western European powers to feed populations far in excess of what their own farmers had been able to produce during the Middle Ages. Access to water mattered too, giving Dutch and English merchants, producers, and consumers the ability to buy and sell goods in markets elsewhere in Europe and, eventually, across the Atlantic and around the world. By the sixteenth century, the Dutch had already escaped the “Malthusian trap of finite resources,” and the English were not far behind (37).In the second of the book's three parts, Scott turns to the Calvinist-dominated Protestantism that England, Scotland, and the Netherlands all had in common. From the late sixteenth century, that shared culture opened the way for innovators in each country to exchange ideas in politics, theology, science, agriculture, manufacturing, banking, and commerce, sometimes doing so competitively but often acting in concert. During the second half of the seventeenth century, entanglements between the two powers triggered the Anglo-Dutch wars of 1652–1654, 1665–1667, and 1672–1674. As Scott correctly notes, all three were in important respects civil wars. Of even greater moment, in what Scott labels the Anglo-Dutch Revolution of 1649–1702, the same ties produced two political unions: the federated Anglo-Dutch Republic of 1649 to 1653 and the personal union that accompanied the accession of the Dutch Stadtholder William of Orange and his wife Mary Stuart to the thrones of England, Scotland, and Ireland in 1689.This Anglo-Dutch moment led to the consolidation of what, in the book's third and final section, Scott terms Britain's “maritime monarchy” (215). As its place in his tripartite structure suggests, Scott sees the eighteenth-century British Empire as an Anglo-Dutch creation, like its French and Spanish rivals a maritime dominion but with a cultural, economic, and political dynamism that the Bourbon powers lacked. Feeding that dynamism were Britain's North American and West Indian colonies, whose growing wealth and population played an enormously important role—thanks in no small part to the Navigation Laws first enacted during the Anglo-Dutch wars of the previous century—in the industrialization of England and Scotland. By the time of the American Revolution, the British Empire had become an “English-speaking empire of customers” (283). Although doomsayers predicted that the loss of the thirteen American colonies would be the empire's undoing, the commercial relations forged by more than a century of “supply and demand [were] sufficiently robust to survive independence” (275). Rather than destroying the British factory system and the global commercial dominance that was the result, the American Revolution ensured its success.As he makes his way through this narrative, Scott frequently notes the “eye-watering human cost of early modern European empires,” directing readers to Africa and the Americas in particular (161). Scott is also cognizant of industrialization's ecological and environmental toll (28). Ultimately, however, the story that he tells is one of individual liberation and empowerment. In the conclusion, he has this to say of the Industrial Revolution: Without it we would still be peasant farmers living in a village rather than inhabitants of a city. Our lives would still be governed by the seasonal agricultural calendar, and the constantly evolving daily cycle of light and darkness, rather than the never-ending flow of hourly work time, glow of electricity, and electronic devices which [sic] never sleep, accompanied by aircraft which fly us from one season to another (300).Scott does not ask his readers, even rhetorically, which world they would rather inhabit, the old or the new. But there seems to be little doubt how he thinks most would answer.If Scott makes the case for modernity, one way to read Matthew Lockwood's To Begin the World Over Again is as an extended brief against it, especially modernity as enshrined in the democratic principles of the American Revolution. Although Britain does not appear in the title, Lockwood's chief concern is the British reaction after the entry of France and Spain turned the Revolutionary War into a global struggle for imperial dominance and, many Britons feared, survival. The result, according to the book's title, “devastated the globe.” In thirteen chapters, Lockwood surveys the effects of this devastation, from the Gordon Riots that literally devastated London during the spring of 1780 to Ireland, Honduras, Peru, the Crimean Peninsula, Sierra Leone, India, Australia, and China. For readers versed in British and imperial history, some parts of this story will be familiar, others not so much. Regardless of the details, the outcome was the same. Wherever the effects of the American Revolution were felt, writes Lockwood, the ensuing turmoil inaugurated “an authoritarian counter-revolution that expanded Britain's empire while fatally weakening France and Spain” (7).Having written about Britain's counter-revolution myself, I am sympathetic with what Lockwood wants to do.1 There are, however, problems with attributing most of the agency for that reaction to the American Revolution. Although debunking the American founding has a long and distinguished pedigree, most such accounts focus on the costs that the revolution imposed in North America and its immediate vicinity. By expanding the revolution's costs to include actions that Britain took in India, Australia, and Asia, Lockwood asks his readers to accept a much more capacious litany of woe—one where a “revolution in favor of liberty in one corner of the map initiated a reactionary revolution in the wider world, inflicting new suffering and new restraints on people for whom freedom and independence were not available” (7). Because the American Revolution in the quoted passage is the subject, the thing that activates the British reaction in the predicate, the revolution is also what produces the suffering on the part of people who were neither free nor independent in the participle that follows. Britain, of course, was the power that inflicted most of the suffering—and much of the suffering that it inflicted occurred on the opposite side of the world—but the sentence's structure casts the British as supporting actors, who played the roles that they did because the revolution's American and pro-American dramatis personae gave them no choice. Is that really “how” the American Revolution devastated the globe?Similar questions of agency and causation arise from Lockwood's discussion of the Tupac Amaru revolt in Spanish Peru and the Russian annexation of Crimea. There is no question that both crises were devastating. The Tupac Amaru revolt claimed an estimated 100,000 Indigenous and 40,000 Creole lives (177). In neither case, however, were Britain and America directly involved, nor did the two crises have anything to do with the principles of the American Revolution—or for that matter with each other. Tupac Amaru's main grievance involved fiscal burdens imposed by the Spanish Bourbon reforms of the 1760s and 1770s, while the Crimean conquest of 1783 was one episode in the centuries-long rivalry between the Russian and Ottoman empires for control of the Black Sea. While Lockwood is aware of both sets of facts, what matters is that the two crises occurred during the War of American Independence. “Once more,” he writes of Crimea, “the American Revolution had played an important role” (232).What Lockwood hopes to achieve with this sprawling analysis is not entirely clear. In the introduction, he says that one of his goals is to move past the “idea of American exceptionalism, of the United States as a uniquely moral and chosen nation,” yet the American Revolution is at the center of his book's argument and title (4). The result is not so much a repudiation of the idea as a reworking, one that replaces exceptional triumph with exceptional catastrophe while keeping Americans in the leading roles and with most of the agency. In the book's final chapter, “The Dawn of the Century of Humiliation,” Lockwood retells the familiar story of Britain's forced opening of China during the 1780s and 1790s. Although Americans were sometimes present, notably during the 1784 Lady Hughes affair, when merchants from the East India Company and Imperial officials at Canton nearly came to blows after a Company ship accidentally killed a Chinese sailor during an artillery salute, the British were the ones who took the initiative and played the dominant role in shaping the outcome. Undaunted, Lockwood sees the Chinese humiliation that followed the Lady Hughes affair as yet another indication of how “the effects of the American Revolution … rippled out from the Atlantic, aiding the expansion of the British Empire, and undermining its imperial rivals” (480).When a book so obviously misses the mark, it is tempting to look for ways to improve it. One suggestion would be to replace the “devastation” in the title with something along the lines of “fragmentation” or “fracture.” During the half century after the revolution, the period covered by Lockwood's book, the United States lacked the capacity to project its power much beyond its own borders. Its democratic example extended farther, but there too the political challenge to Britain and Europe's other anciens régimes paled in comparison to the threat posed a decade later by the revolution in France. To say that the American Revolution caused devastation in either area on a global scale strains credibility. What the revolution did do was to fragment the world's leading maritime power, with the independent United States claiming perhaps a third of Britain's prewar merchant marine. The response of Britain and Europe's other colonial powers to that fragmentation most certainly did have global consequences, some of which, though by no means all—for example, the rise of antislavery in Britain and the United States—were devastating. Although not the book that Lockwood's title suggests, the apparent near death and subsequent recovery of the British Empire is closer to the storyline in the book that he has written.Ironically, despite his positive take on modernity, Jonathan Scott has the stronger case for the American Revolution as a globally devastating event. Whereas it would take nearly a century for the United States to rival and eventually surpass Britain as a world power, Scott's American empire of consumers played a role in the industrialization of Britain that was both immediate and direct. The origins of that pairing of supply and demand lay in the decades before the revolution, but the transatlantic relationship reached its zenith during the global Anglo-American “settler revolution” that began, according to James Belich, with the end of the Revolutionary War in 1783 and lasted until the Second World War.2 It does not require much imagination to see a straightforward connection between the Industrial Revolution; the intensification of African slavery and the slave trade, both in the United States and elsewhere in the Americas; the dispossession of Indigenous peoples on a global scale; and the climate crisis of our own time.If there is one point on which Scott and Lockwood concur, it is that the world that the American Revolution created was indeed new. That new world is also, they would surely agree, the world that we inhabit today. What will future historians make of that fact? Will they emphasize the cultures of invention that loom so large in the final section of Scott's book, and will they say that industrial capitalism's restless spirit of innovation, which was what brought humanity to the brink of disaster, was also what pulled us back? Or will the costs, environmental as well as human, seem like the only things worth talking about? The answer, unfortunately, is terrifyingly difficult to predict. Only time will tell.

Editor's Introduction: The Politics of Urban Reform in the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, 1870–1920

America's medical schools have long used human cadavers to teach anatomy, but acquiring adequate numbers of bodies for dissection has always been a challenge. Physicians and medical students of the 18th and 19th centuries often resorted to robbing graves, and this history has been extensively examined. Less studied, however, is the history of body acquisition in the 20th century, and this article evaluates the factors that coalesced to transition American society from body theft to body donation. First, it describes the legislation that released the unclaimed bodies of those dying in public institutions to medical schools for dissection, thereby effectively ending grave robbery. Then it discusses midcentury journalistic exposés of excesses in the funeral industry-works that were instrumental in bringing alternatives, including the previously unpopular option of body donation, to public consciousness. Finally, it examines the rise of body transplantation, the Uniform Anatomical Gifts Act of 1968, and the subsequent state of willed-body programs at the turn of the 21st century. Body-donation programs have gradually stabilized since and currently provide most of the bodies used for dissection in American medical schools. Relying as they do on public trust, however, these programs remain potentially precarious and threatened by public scandals. Whether American medical schools will receive enough bodies to properly educate students in the future remains to be seen.

The aim of the paper is to compare the migration streams of Poles and Jews from Rzeszów to the United States at the turn of the 20th century. The article is part of a project carried out within the framework of the Jagiellonian University’s Program of Excellence – POB Heritage, whose main goal is to indicate the specificity of emigration from urban communities at the beginning of the 20th century on the example of Rzeszów. The analysis was conducted in a comparative perspective both on the synchronic level, comparing the structure and mechanisms of migration of different ethnic groups living in Rzeszów at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, and at the diachronic level, reconstructing the migration time trends of the city’s inhabitants. The Polish and Jewish migration routes were compared in terms of socio-demographic data, structure of migration networks, and adaptation strategies in the host country. The presented analysis is based on the data from the Ellis Island Archive’s ship passenger lists. Information was collected on over 1500 immigrants who arrived from Rzeszów to the United States between 1884 and 1924.

The purpose of the article is to show the origins, logic, and techniques of F. Nietzsche’s project to discredit historical knowledge, as well as the influence of Nietzsche’s set of relevant ideas on the poststructuralist-postmodernist paradigm. It is shown how Nietzsche’s criticism of the abundance of historical knowledge correlated with the concept of the “will to power” and the ideal of “Übermensch”. Nietzsche’s anti-historicism is seen as a tool for the formation of the “Superman”, and also as one of the manifestations of the general trend in the culture at the turn of the 20th century – the desire to reduce the “civilizational excess” and break through to the “pure perception” unencumbered by conventional intellectual schemes, which was reflected in impressionism and the “philosophy of life” of F. Nietzsche, A. Bergson, G. Simmel. The main methods of criticism of historicism and objectivism in Nietzsche’s essay are analyzed: the representation of historicism as a prerequisite and one of the manifestations of decadence, and objectivism as a rejection of the “will to power” and evaluation. It is noted that, paradoxically, at a new turn in the development of European thought, Nietzsche in some respects makes a regressive turn, a return to the pre-romantic, classical historiography of the 17th–18th centuries with its characteristic fictionalization of history, a view on historiography as a kind of literary creativity with an orientation towards solving didactic problems. The article describes two approaches to historical knowledge at the turn of the 20th century: Nietzschean and Bergsonian. It is concluded that the Nietzschean model has gained the upper hand in modern Western culture and has significantly influenced the formation of the poststructuralist-postmodernist paradigm, prepared poststructuralist relativism, the concept of the discursivity of history, its mythologization and aestheticization, and has been continued in the works of R. Barthes, H. White, and T. Kuhn. The thesis about the influence of the Nietzschean model on the modern education system in the West is substantiated.

This article examines the phenomenon of the nousukas (upstart, parvenu, social climber), a “strategic hybrid” figure from Finnish literature at the turn of the 20th century, against the ideological background of 19th century Finnish nationalism. L. Onerva (Hilja Onerva Lehtinen, 1882-1972), an influential Finnish writer of the first decades of the 20th century, concentrated specifically on the phenomenon in her collection of short stories Nousukkaita (Parvenues, 1911). The article’s analysis of the trauma of shame, connected to the figure of the nousukas , is based on various short stories from Onerva’s collection, particularly those entitled “Veren aani” and “Marja Havu”. Intersectional analysis of the texts highlights the relevance of gender, social class and ethnicity to the types of shame experienced by L. Onerva’s social climbers.

Considered in the article from Lotman’s semiotic of culture, female cultural types are represented by angel, demon and heroine in American literary discourse at the turn of the 20th century. Condensed and coded information of a cultural type develops on the background of a cultural context, in which literary texts fulfill the function of descriptive mechanisms. Cultural types are symbols of a national cultural experience. In the discourse, they are represented by sets of moral and physical qualities attributed by the society to a certain kind of women. Cultural types modify under the influence of social changes and at the same time, they affect standards and norms accepted in the society. The alteration of feminine cultural types means profound social and cultural changes.

The 20th century has witnessed a great impact of the scientific trend upon the way of human thinking. It is extremely obvious in the mode of discourse in modern academic studies. Does such way of thinking also influence the mode of discourse in modern translation study since it came into being during the 1 970s? If it does, what kind of influence it has exerted towards the mode of discourse in this comparatively new discipline? And what sort of impact it has upon the characteristic features of the dominant mode of discourse in modern western translation studies? This paper proposes to use the deconstructive approach to address these questions through a study of a modern thinker and critic J. Hillis Miller and his views on translation. Since the turn of the 20th century, there is an astonishing translation theory boom in the world. It has been accompanied manifestly by an interdisciplinary approach in translation studies. And this has intrinsically accounted for the current prosperity of translation studies in the West. With the insight to the modern western translation theories, the present study examines Miller's rhetorical mode of discourse and his major constructive ideas on translation theories. It discusses his views such as defining translation as border crossings, translation as the double production of texts, translation as grafting, and his thinking on translatability. Meanwhile, an intertextual analysis of his discourse on translation within the framework of deconstructive theories is presented. And some reflections on the mode of discourse in the present translation criticisms are brought forth; and the current state of translation theories is evaluated, as is the particular approach to translation studies elaborated in this paper

The influence of major cities architecture (Paris, Rennes, Vienna, Graz) on form of Krakow town houses from the turn of the 20th century

We are educating the nurses who will influence health care for the next century. The only questions are, What influence will these nurses have? What intellectual capital will they contribute? Is it not time for us - leaders in the house of nursing - to take an Oprah moment and focus on providing the best? It is my pleasure to warmly welcome Beverly Malone back to the United States as the new chief executive officer for the National League for Nursing. At this time, we poignantly wish Dr. Ruth Corcoran warm winds, calm seas, and a wonderful retirement. Ruth, thank you for your wise leadership, stewardship, and laser-sharp focus on the mission of the NLN. For those who do not yet know the NLN's newest CEO, Dr. Malone was a staff nurse, clinical specialist, assistant administrator for nursing, dean, and vicechancellor before serving two terms (1996-2000) as president of the American Nurses Association. While ANA president, Beverly served on President Clinton's Advisory Commission on Consumer Protection and Quality in the Health Care Industry and the Health Care Quality Measurement and Reporting Committee. At the end of her second term as ANA president, she was appointed deputy assistant secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services and became the highest ranking nurse to serve in the United States government. From this post, she went to London to serve six years as general secretary of the Royal College of Nursing. With a membership of more than 390,000, the RCN is the largest professional nursing organization in the world. In England, Beverly was also a board member of the Higher Education Funding Council for the United Kingdom. She is the first person to have been appointed to represent two different nations (the US and later the UK) at the World Health Assembly. And she has been included in the Ebony Magazine list of the 100 most influential African Americans and the Daily Mail list of the 100 most influential women in Britiain. Beverly, welcome back and welcome home! Dr. Malone takes the helm of the NLN in its 114th year. At this time, educational issues in nursing are remarkably similar to those in 1893, when this organization first came into being. At the turn of the 20th century, nursing schools had multiplied from approximately 30 to more than 400. The reason for this rapid proliferation was that hospitals had learned that nurses were important to patient outcomes and to quality health care. So began a recurrent cycle. Through the years of the 20th century and now into the 21st, nursing shortages begat numerous commissions on nursing and numerous reports to Congress. …

Child Migration at the Turn of the 20th Century: the Empire Rescuing Children?

The Philippine revolution in 1896 was the first armed struggle for independence against foreign domination. This armed struggle, despite the absence of financial or moral supports from other Asian countries, had been successfully carried out against Spain which led to the proclamation of Philippine independence. While other Asian countries were still under the claws of European colonizers before the turn of the 20th century, the Philippines had already established the Malolos Republic, First Republic in Asia. This armed struggle influenced other Asian countries in their fight against foreign domination and one of those countries is Indonesia. This paper traces how the Philippine revolution against Spain inspired the Indonesian political leaders to have their own revolution, the Indonesian National Revolution, against the Dutch East Indies rule. This armed struggle commences from 1945 when Indonesia declared its independence following the end of World War II until the Dutch recognition of that independence in 1949. The paper argues that the Philippine revolution in 1896, in one way or another, influenced the Indonesian revolutionary leaders in their determination to fight for their freedom against the Dutch Empire which catapulted them into one of the free nations in the world today.

At the turn of the 20th century, concepts of preservation, conservation, and development shaped policy arguments about the individual’s relationship to society and nature. Recent Gallup polls show widespread and continued concern for environmental problems and broad support for the environmental movement and its goal of environmental protection. Forest policy makers, however, have tended to assume that early 20th century attitudes still dominate, creating a barrier to their understanding of the nuances of current public opinion. In this study, Q methodology was used to examine public opinion along with stratified random sampling and small sample theory for those segments of the public that tend to participate in forest policy. A complex framework was revealed of at least 4, and possibly 5, factors: New Steward, New Conservationist, Individualist, Traditional Steward, and Environmental Activist. By uncovering a wider and more current range of views than has been assumed, the analysis allows the policy analyst to redefine the forest policy agenda in greater depth. It is now possible to move beyond looking for one grand, but elusive, solution to developing a packet of responses addressing the different aspects of the policy agenda.

Paul Christophe (1870–1957) owes his fame to being the author of the book Le béton armé et ses applications, published first in 1899 and again in 1902. This publication is considered internationally as one of the first treatises on reinforced concrete which included detailed explanations of the various computation models in use at the turn of the 20th century. He concluded by proposing rational modelling of reinforced concrete based mainly on the previous work of Coignet & de Tedesco. Until the present research, the professional life of Christophe and the context of his publication were unknown. The discovery of large parts of the family archives has allowed clarification of the role of Paul Christophe in the theoretical development of reinforced concrete. Therefore the paper proposes first to draw up the biography of Paul Christophe, secondly to expose the ins and outs of the publication Le béton armé et ses applications and finally to explore his relations with others precursors of reinforced concrete such as the Austrian engineer Fritz von Emperger (1862–1942).Die Rolle des belgischen Ingenieurs Paul Christophe auf die Entwicklung des Stahlbetonbaus zur Zeit der JahrhundertwendePaul Christophe (1870–1957) verdankt seinen Ruf dem Buch Le béton armé et ses applications, dessen Autor er war. Erstmals veröffentlicht wurde das Buch 1899, ein zweites Mal im Jahr 1902. Dieses Werk wird international als eine der ersten Abhandlungen über den Stahlbetonbau angesehen, die detaillierte Erläuterungen zu den verschiedenen, zur Zeit der Jahrhundertwende üblichen Berechnungsmodellen enthält. Der Autor schloss sein Buch mit der These, dass eine vernünftige Modellierung von Stahlbeton hauptsächlich auf die früheren Arbeiten von Coignet & de Tedesco zurückgeht. Bis dato war in der heutigen Forschung nichts über das Berufsleben von Christophe und den Zusammenhang mit seiner Veröffentlichung bekannt. Die Entdeckung von großen Teilen des Familienarchivs ermöglichte es nun zu klären, welche Rolle Paul Christophe im Bereich der theoretischen Entwicklung des Stahlbetonbaus inne hatte. Der Beitrag beginnt mit seiner Biographie. Anschließend wird gezeigt, welche Strömungen und Arbeiten Einfluss auf sein Buch Le béton armé et ses applications hatten und welchen Einfluss das Buch wiederum auf die Fachwelt hatte. Zuletzt werden seine Beziehungen zu anderen Vorreitern des Stahlbetonbaus, wie z.B. zum österreichischen Ingenieur Fritz von Emperger (1862–1942) erkundet.