Abstract

Relativisation of a non-subject NP in ciNsenga (Bantu) results in the inversion of the subject and the appearance on the verb of a prefix which agrees with the relativised noun. Recent studies on Bantu relative constructions (for example, Demuth & Harford, 1999; Ngonyani, 1999; 2001) have shown that subject inversion results from the verb raising from I to C, and that this occurs only when the relative pronoun is a prosodic clitic and not a phonological word. When the relative pronoun has the status of a phonological word it blocks verb raising and thus subject inversion does not occur. In ciNsenga, however, subject inversion occurs despite the fact that the relative pronoun constitutes a phonological word. Drawing on the insights of Kayne (1994) this paper argues that the relative pronoun does not occupy the C position as is generally assumed, but that it occupies the head position of the moved DP, which itself occupies the Spec position of CP (which equates to Topic Phrase in the current study). This leaves the C position available for the inflected verb to move into.

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