Abstract
We explore the proposal in Charnavel 2019, 2020 that nonlocal anaphor binding is only apparent and reduces to local binding by a silent pronominal element—prolog—as the subject of a logophoric operator OPLOG in the left periphery of the anaphor’s local domain. Like any pronominal, prolog can be valued by a distant antecedent and should license split antecedents and partial binding for the anaphor it binds. We show that ϕ-deficient anaphors in different language families allow nonlocal binding, while disallowing split antecedents and partial binding, contra the main hypothesis of the prolog approach. We describe a Multiple Agree–based analysis that accounts for the patterns observed.
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