Two types of locative alternation

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Abstract Talmy’s (1991, 2000) well-known typological distinction between satellite-framed languages and verb-framed languages can be shown to be relevant when arguing for two types of locative alternation. In particular, I deal with this typological variation in the light of a formal distinction between incorporation and conflation (see Haugen 2009; Mateu 2012 and Acedo-Matellán 2013, i.a.). According to the Talmian typology, verb-framed languages (i.e., those languages where Path/Result lack independent morphophonological status with respect to the verbal root) are predicted to lack the satellite-framed pattern of locative alternation variants that involve Manner conflation (e.g., Sue sewed up the entire dress with buttons; cf. Sue sewed buttons on the dress). In contrast, locative alternation variants that only involve Result incorporation (e.g., The children loaded the stones on the cart / The children loaded the cart with stones) are expected to be found in verb-framed languages. Special attention will also be paid to the ungrammaticality triggered by the elimination of the satellite in locative alternation variants like Sue sewed *(up) the dress with buttons or John poured the glass *(full) with water. Their ill-formedness will be shown to run parallel to that of satellite-framed constructions like John danced the night *(away) or John *(out)danced Sue, which, descriptively speaking, have been said to involve an increase of the verb valency thanks to the presence of a Path/Result satellite.