Toward a Theory of Vice Presidential Debate Purposes: An Analysis of the 1992 Vice Presidential Debate

Abstract

The United States' first vice president, John Adams, said of his role: Today I am nothing. Tomorrow I may be everything. The office of vice president of United States has been denigrated by many, including some who have held position. Perhaps most famous description was John Nance Garner's who said office wasn't worth a pitcher of warm spit. Many political science scholars argue that a vice presidential nominee has limited impact on an election's outcome (Polsby & Wildavsky, 1988; Schlesinger, 1974), and focus group participants in a study of 1992 presidential and vice presidential debates were split in their assessment of both need for vice presidential debates and impact actual debate had on their ultimate choice for president (Carlin, 1992). Communication scholars, through their limited analysis of vice presidential debates, also contribute to perception that vice presidential nominee has little impact on campaign and election. While importance of choice of a running mate in terms of electoral outcome is uncertain and power of office is questionable based on historical precedent, organizers of general election presidential debates have included a vice presidential matchup in four of six elections in which debates were held. At least one of those debates, Robert Dole-Walter Mondale contest in 1976, was thought to have had an influence on outcome of election (Martel, 1983, p. 58) largely because of contrast established between Dole and Mondale through their debate demeanor. Mondale, to many viewers, appeared more positive and presidential. Public opinion polls taken after debate reflected an attitude that Mondale was more helpful to Carter than Dole was to Ford (Sauter, 1990, pp. 63-65). In 1984, vice presidential debate assumed a sense of importance because it highlighted first woman candidate on a major party ticket. As Trent (1990) explained, the spotlight on debate had less to do with what they said and did than it had with fact of their gender. Two other debates, Dan Quayle-Lloyd Bentsen debate in 1988 and Quayle-Albert Gore-James Stockdale debate in 1992, arguably had a limited effect on their respective election's outcome. The Bush-Quayle ticket won in 1988 despite Quayle's inability to overcome all doubts about his readiness for either presidency or vice presidency. However, some might make argument that Lloyd Bentsen's superior performance actually hurt Dukakis because he appeared better prepared to be president than did Dukakis himself. James Stockdale's weak performance in 1992 did not prevent independent candidate Ross Perot from garnering 19 percent of vote, highest percentage for an independent candidate since Teddy Roosevelt in 1912. Regardless of whether or not debates have a significant influence on an election's outcome, they serve an important educational function just as presidential debates do. They help voters confirm their leanings and provide them with a better understanding of why they support a particular candidate. It is our contention that vice presidential debates not only should occur but should be studied by communication scholars. A significant number of vice presidents have succeeded to presidency either through a president's death or resignation or through a vice president's own successful campaign. Between 1944 and 1988 five vice presidents--Harry Truman, Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, and George Bush--eventually occupied oval office. The assassination of John Kennedy and attempts on Ford's and Reagan's lives underscored fact that vice president is a heartbeat away from presidency. Thus, voters need an opportunity to learn about person who occupies second place on a ticket. This is especially true given proclivity of many standard bearers to select little-known running mates. …