The Zonguldak strike: a case study of industrial conflict in a developing society

Abstract

Sumner Rosen, in his study of the Turkish labour movement concluded that: 'The process of industrialization and the introduction of political freedom have created a labour movement with an impressive potential, but which has not yet achieved the momentum needed to assure its survival or further development. 1 He was referring to that movement as of 1955, although he noted that, as late as 1961, he had no reason to modify his statement. By the fall of 1964, it appeared that the labour movement in Turkey had indeed finally gained that momentum. Riding the crest of change and the political vacuum which followed the 1960 revolution, trade unionists with the help and guidance of American trade unionists provided by AID had been able to get certain guarantees written into the new constitution adopted in 1961. Although there were some attempts to abrogate these, the Grand National Assembly finally passed the Trade Unions Act and the Collective Agreement, Strike and Lock-out Act, Laws 274 and 275, on July 15, 1963. In December 1964, there were some 1,500 contracts in force covering several hundred thousand Turkish workers; in many instances the gains, particularly with respect to wages, were impressive. Under the leadership of the Turkish Labour Confederation (TLC), whose own membership ranks had swelled to 650,000, the labour movement had embarked on a significant period in its history, its leaders, and the leaders of its affiliates, were confident and optimistic about the future. Yet, there were disturbing signs that, now that a major victory had been won, union leaders were beginning to vie with one another for control. At times this struggle took the form of rival unionism in other instances it was a matter of an internal contest of power within the union. One of the more overriding issues aside from any individual quest for power was the question of political involvement of the labour movement and, ultimately, overall control of that movement. The nascent Turkish Labour Party (TLP), formed in 1961 by eleven trade unionists, had come under the domination of intellectuals with a decidedly leftist orientation; its leadership recognized that, if they were ever to come to power, they must have the backing of the working classes, and control of the labour movement was a convenient and ready means of accomplishing this. Conversely, the TLC had committed itself to a policy of 'non-political' involvement and, although sympathetic to the aims and purposes of the Labour Party, felt that any attempt to coalesce the working class into a political movement at this point was premature; hence, the likelihood of the Labour Party succeeding was highly questionable. There were however several trade unionists ensconced in influential positions in the confederation who were active in the Labour Party, and among the leadership and staffs of their affiliates there were many who were