The Ukrainian (post)revolutionary processes:: diaspora mobilisations in the United Kingdom and Poland

Volunteer movement in Ukraine has deep historical roots associated with community traditions, religious initiatives, and charitable activities. However, the events of 2014 and the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation in 2022 became catalysts for its institutionalization and rapid development. In recent years, volunteering has evolved beyond a symbol of social solidarity to become a crucial instrument in strengthening the country’s defense capabilities, addressing humanitarian challenges, and ensuring societal stability. The full-scale invasion created an urgent need for mobilizing civic initiatives, engaging a large number of people in supporting the military, assisting internally displaced persons (IDPs), and helping affected civilians. The article aims to identify contemporary trends in the development of the volunteer movement in Ukraine since the beginning of the full-scale invasion by the Russian Federation. The volunteer movement in Ukraine has undergone significant transformations in response to the challenges of the full-scale war. Since 2015, volunteers have shifted from direct military support toward broader civic and political engagement. The full-scale invasion of 2022 initiated a new wave of volunteerism, with widespread social mobilization playing a critical role in resistance efforts. Currently, volunteer organizations function as logistics and financial structures, analyzing frontline needs, attracting funding, and organizing procurement and delivery of resources. Besides military support, many initiatives focus on humanitarian aid, medical assistance, and social support. The article analyzes the main trends in its development, including institutionalization, digitalization, professionalization, and international cooperation. The war has significantly transformed the volunteer movement, leading to its institutionalization and professionalization. Many previously informal initiatives have evolved into legally registered organizations, enhancing efficiency, transparency, and trust. The leading volunteer organizations—such as Come Back Alive, Serhiy Prytula Foundation, Razom for Ukraine, and Caritas Ukraine—have played a crucial role in mobilizing resources for both military and humanitarian aid. Another significant trend is the digitalization of volunteer efforts. Online platforms, social media, and crowdfunding campaigns have enabled rapid response to crises, efficient coordination, and resource mobilization. Digital tools optimize logistics, fundraising, and data analysis, enhancing the effectiveness of volunteer activities. The emergence of digital volunteering has allowed bloggers and influencers to mobilize support on an unprecedented scale, promoting transparency and international involvement. International cooperation has also played a vital role in strengthening Ukraine’s volunteer movement. Partnerships with international organizations, governments, businesses, and the Ukrainian diaspora have expanded the resource base, enhanced aid delivery, and integrated Ukraine into the global humanitarian landscape. Overall, the war has made the volunteer movement a key element of social support, civic engagement, and national resistance. It has demonstrated society’s high level of self-organization and ability to mobilize resources effectively. In the long term, the institutionalization, digitalization, and internationalization of Ukrainian volunteerism will contribute to strengthening civil society, promoting democratic development, and ensuring resilience in crisis situations. Keywords: volunteering, civil society, political participation, humanitarian aid, social mobilization, Russo-Ukrainian war

Abstract. The article presents an analysis of the attributes and historical experience of the emergence of the Ukrainian diaspora in post–World War II Australia. The subject is relevant in the current context of Ukraine’s resistance against large-scale russian aggression. Since February 2022, the devastating consequences of the aggression have forced a significant number of people to leave Ukraine. The massive wave of ‘Ukrainian migration’, notable by its scale and impact, allows the author to draw parallels to the migration flows witnessed in ravaged post-war Europe. The article’s author argues that modern Ukraine could benefit from exploring the adaptation, organisation, and formation experience of the Ukrainian communities that evolved into influential diasporas in the United States, Canada, Australia, etc. Once rallied, the worldwide Ukrainian diaspora’s potential to oppose the ‘muscovite evil empire’ holds the promise of becoming a powerful force for defeating the global aggressor. The historical experience of consolidation and affirmation of Ukrainian identity and the strength of Ukrainian traditions, language, and culture constitute a genuine weapon against the influence of the ‘russian world’. The size, influence, and authority of the global Ukrainian community as a whole and of particular Ukrainian diasporas in the major countries of Europe, America, and Australia are a contributing factor to the build-up of concerted efforts of the civilised world on a unified front against the revanchism of totalitarian ideology, the imperial ambitions of moscow, and their attempts to dismantle the democratic values of humanity. The author emphasises that today’s world is undergoing the formation of a new global order, where Ukraine’s victory in the war against the ‘moscow regime’ will emerge as the very achievement for which generations of Ukrainian people fought and fell in Ukraine and across the entire world. Keywords: global Ukrainian community, Australia, Ukrainian diaspora, World War II, russian aggression.

Abstract. The article presents an analysis of the attributes and historical experience of the emergence of the Ukrainian diaspora in post–World War II Australia. The subject is relevant in the current context of Ukraine’s resistance against large-scale russian aggression. Since February 2022, the devastating consequences of the aggression have forced a significant number of people to leave Ukraine. The massive wave of ‘Ukrainian migration’, notable by its scale and impact, allows the author to draw parallels to the migration flows witnessed in ravaged post-war Europe. The article’s author argues that modern Ukraine could benefit from exploring the adaptation, organisation, and formation experience of the Ukrainian communities that evolved into influential diasporas in the United States, Canada, Australia, etc. Once rallied, the worldwide Ukrainian diaspora’s potential to oppose the ‘muscovite evil empire’ holds the promise of becoming a powerful force for defeating the global aggressor. The historical experience of consolidation and affirmation of Ukrainian identity and the strength of Ukrainian traditions, language, and culture constitute a genuine weapon against the influence of the ‘russian world’. The size, influence, and authority of the global Ukrainian community as a whole and of particular Ukrainian diasporas in the major countries of Europe, America, and Australia are a contributing factor to the build-up of concerted efforts of the civilised world on a unified front against the revanchism of totalitarian ideology, the imperial ambitions of moscow, and their attempts to dismantle the democratic values of humanity. The author emphasises that today’s world is undergoing the formation of a new global order, where Ukraine’s victory in the war against the ‘moscow regime’ will emerge as the very achievement for which generations of Ukrainian people fought and fell in Ukraine and across the entire world. Keywords: global Ukrainian community, Australia, Ukrainian diaspora, World War II, russian aggression.

Successful development and the formation of a modern legal system in Ukraine should be based on the understanding of the value of human life, the importance of the full and harmonious development of each individual, ensuring human rights, and the necessity of creating conditions for the self-realization of human potential. This is possible only through the provision of gender equality. The study and reconsideration of the idea of gender equality through the example of the activities of Ukrainian women's movements in the conditions of emigration not only analyze the development of this idea in the past but also take into account the achievements of the past in understanding the ways and legal mechanisms for the real provision of gender equality in modern Ukrainian society. The article examines the role and contribution of Ukrainian women in the process of shaping the national worldview among the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada. The importance of the contribution of Ukrainian women in the diaspora to the formation of cultural and national identity helps to highlight their role in preserving and developing the Ukrainian heritage beyond the homeland and their influence on the activities of women's movements in Ukraine during the studied period. An integral part of the socio-political life in the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada became the women's movement, which initiated the creation of Ukrainian women's societies. Their task was not only to preserve national self-identification and culture but also the need to assist national institutions in Ukraine. The article also reveals important aspects of women's activities in public life, education, the cultural sphere, and the struggle for the rights of the Ukrainian community in Canada. It explores the instruments, methods, and strategies used by women to support their national identity and contribute to the formation of a Ukrainian national worldview among the immigrant community.

Russian aggression against Ukraine has become one of the most serious challenges for the international security system. One of the regions where Russian propaganda has been spread widely is Latin America. And one of the countries especially influenced by the Russian disinformation in the region is Brazil. The goal of this article is to define characteristics of the Russian propaganda in Latin America regarding Russian aggression against Ukraine, particularly, look at the case of Brazil, trace features of the Kremlin propaganda in this country at the current stage and outline possible ways of countering this propaganda.It can be concluded that Russian propaganda in Latin American and in Brazil, particularly, has several specific characteristics-it is widespread, long-standing and generally supported. Key current narratives concerning the ongoing Russian aggression against Ukraine include the nuclear threat, calls for peace negotiations between Ukraine and Russia and accusing the West of russofobia. Other false narratives include accusing Ukraine of war crimes and provocations, as well as dangers of further “escalation” of the war. Among reasons for common misconceptions about the Russia-Ukraine war in Brazil one can name a simple lack of information and familiarity with the local politics. This gap is partially the result of Ukraine’s insufficient communication with the Latin American and Brazilian audiences and the countries’ lack of interest in each other for many years.In order to counter Russian propaganda in Latin American and Brazil, in particular, Ukraine should enhance its communication and diplomatic efforts, cooperate with the Ukrainian diaspora in the region and consistently deconstruct Russian disinformation narratives. In the long-term perspective, it is worthwhile increasing opportunities to study the Spanish and Portuguese languages and have respective Regional Studies courses at Ukrainian educational institutions.

Football is the most popular sport on the European continent, giving rise to a mass culture encompassing various elements such as live broadcasts of football matches, the production of football-themed films, the publication of books, and the sale and popularization of club symbols. Additionally, local fan traditions and supporter fan groups contribute to the rich cultural tapestry surrounding football. Few cultural activities attract as many people as football and within the realm of fan movements, ultras stand out as the most widespread and influential fan group globally. This makes them an essential group for analysis and research into their impact. On the European continent, football fan movements have long been marked by the distinction between two models: the «English-style» hooliganism and the ultras movement originating in Italy. These two trends have served as a precursor to the local development of fan movements in other European countries and the rest of the world. Today, ultras represent the dominant football fan movement in Germany, Poland, Greece, southern France, and the Balkans. In Spain, Turkey, and Eastern and Central Europe, fans have adopted some aspects of the ultras style (Doidge et al., 2020, p. 4). Based on this, one might think of European football fan movements as predominantly following the «Italian» variant, except the United Kingdom. However, in reality, such movements in each country have regional peculiarities shaped by cultural, economic, political, and historical conditions. The football fan movement in Ukraine is relatively young and needs more research in the academic world, characterized by a lack of scholarly works. This article aims to provide an overview of the critical aspects of forming the football fan movement and ultras in Ukraine, shedding light on the features of this group’s subculture.

The role of the North American Ukrainian diaspora in the development of environmental movement in the Ukrainian SSR in late 1980s – early 1990s has investigated. It has concluded that despite widespread opinion, that diaspora concentrated its attention only on the support of Ukrainian national-liberation movement, its activities contributed to the development of the Ukrainian environmental movement.

The article carries out a research on circumstances of the arrest of Yaroslav Dobosh, who was a courier of the OUN Foreign cells (hereafter – ZCh), by the KGB authorities, using the documents of the Branch State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine as its basis. It was indicated that the mentioned arrest had a significant influence on the dissident movement in Soviet Ukraine. It was proven that the KGB bodies used the “Dobosh case” to launch their massive repressions against the anti-Soviet intelligentsia (“Block” operation), and also to undermine the OUN’s credibility among the Ukrainian diaspora environment in the Western countries. The consequences of that event were reflected in the development of the entire Ukrainian national liberation movement of the 1970s. After analyzing the personality of Yaroslav Dobosh, we discovered that he had been raised in a nationally conscious and religious environment of the Ukrainian diaspora of Belgium. From his early years he joined the Ukrainian Youth Association and agreed to conduct a dangerous mission in Ukraine solely because of his convictions. During that period the OUN Foreign cells had been trying to establish connections with the dissident movement in Ukraine and support it. The tourism was one of the most effective ways of bringing couriers to the Soviet Union. The KGB bodies regularly arrested those couriers. Nevertheless, there was no better communication means between the ZCh OUN and the dissidents. Yaroslav Dobosh had walked into a trap, previously prepared and set by the KGB employees, that was a reason why he failed to spot any danger and was arrested. During interrogations, he revealed his connections with the dissidents in Kyiv and Lviv – Zinovia Franko, Ivan Svitlychnyi, Leonid Selezenko and Stephania Gulyk. In addition to that, he agreed to publicly make a repentance. After that Yaroslav Dobosh was allowed to return home. In Belgium he immediately abandoned his testimonies and claimed that he had been forced and pressed to come out with a speech. However, those statements were of no importance. The KGB organs actively used Dobosh image as a proof of the dissidents cooperation with the Western intelligence services. Emphasizing the failure of the ZCh OUN operation, they launched a campaign to combat “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism” in Western Ukraine and made provocations to intensify disputes in the anti-Soviet camps of the Ukrainian diaspora. Keywords: dissidents, KGB, ZCh OUN, UYA, Belgium, “Dobosh case”, repressions, ”Block” operation, Kyiv, Lviv, Soviet, diaspora.

The article is devoted to the consideration of the scientific-organizational and research activity of the outstanding Ukrainian public-political figure and social scientist Nykyfor Hryhoryiv at the Ukrainian Institute of Sociological Studies (Ukrainian Sociological Institute) in Prague. The role of N. Hryhoryiv in the development of the Іnstitute is significant from its foundation in 1924 and the end of existence in 1938. With Mykyta Shapoval he was one of its founders, as well as one of the leaders and leading researchers. N. Hryhoryiv was a permanent member of the supreme governing body of the Іnstitute – the Сuratorium, he headed it in 1926 and in 1933–1938, he was a director and a scientific council. He solved the administrative and financial problems of the Institute. At the same time, he was the director of the Department of Ethnology and two autonomous institutions of the Institute – the Ukrainian National Museum-Archive and the Ukrainian Workers University. He was also a member of the Department of Sociology and Policy and head of the Study of the Village, held separate courses and a political seminar. At the same time, N. Hryhoryiv showed himself as a scientist – a sociologist and political scientist, an active researcher. During this period, his scientific interests included the theory of the state, the Ukrainian national-state tradition, national sociology, socio-economic history of Ukraine and socio-political movements in Ukraine, the Ukrainian diaspora in the USA and Canada, international relations and the geopolitical role of Ukraine. The work of the scientist in these directions is considered. During his time at the institute he has prepared several dozen of monographs, articles and reports, which are an important contribution to Ukrainian sociological and political science. This study is based on the materials of the so-called Prague Archive, in particular the fund of the Ukrainian Institute for Civic Science. Some archival sources are introduced to scientific circulation for the first time. Keywords: Nykyfor Hryhoryiv, Ukrainian Institute of Sociological Studies in Prague, Ukrainian Sociological Institute in Prague

This chapter analyses how the idea of common trauma becomes a part of the narrative for a diaspora group as a source for mobilisation, coherence, and organisation. It examines specifically the shared memories and experiences of the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada with a focus on the political influence of the personal stories of survivors; those who lived through the Holodomor Famine of Soviet Ukraine between 1932 and 1933. It considers how these experiences became part of the main discourse for the Ukrainian diaspora in the twentieth century and in turn supported their major mobilisation initiatives, as echoed in recent dramatic events in Ukraine.

ABSTRACTThis article presents an analysis of mobilization strategies among Ukrainian diaspora groups in Canada in their response to the Ukrainian crisis of 2014–15. By mapping recent Ukrainian diaspora activism, the purpose of this article is to understand international non-state actor influence on transitional justice during crisis. The first part draws on studies of traumatic memories and the role they play in developing a victim-based identity among a diaspora. Practices of memorialization of the famine 1932–33 in Ukraine were created through emotional causal mechanisms that captured traumatic emotions on paper in the diaspora, creating narratives that were further sustained through value-based mechanisms. The second part explains how the diaspora bridged its interpretation of traumatic memories with the home country. The last part demonstrates how existing narratives and discourses were utilized through a strategic causal mechanism to create a rapid response among Ukrainian Canadians to the crisis in Ukraine.

Change of rhetoric of Ukrainian football fans during social and political events in Ukraine in 2013–2016In Ukrainian society football fans environment is usually perceived in a negative way — first of all due to its characteristic verbal aggression and rude behavior at the stadiums and beyond them. In Ukraine, like in all the other European countries, movements of football fans have never been aside events in the country, declared aggressive attitude towards fan movements which professed left views. Change of verbal aggression and traditionally hostile attitude towards rival fan groups happened in fans environment in 2013–2014, when in Ukraine Revolution of Dignity took place and fans were the first to defend its values. February 13, 2014 Manifesto of football fans was publicized which bears witness to transformation of traditional rhetoric of fans. Provisions of the Manifesto under the name of “A fan to another fan is like a brother and a friend from Luhansk to the Carpathians” which say about establishing of an open-ended truce among Ukrainian football ultras still hold. The aim of the article is to present change of verbal and non-verbal behaviour of Ukrainian football fans during social and political events in Ukraine in 2013–2016 and to give the examples of texts from the discourse of football fans which have become commonly recognized mottos and songs during Maidan and Russian aggression in Ukraine during 2014–2016.

Since the declaration of independence, Ukraine has been involved in a rapid pace of events, aimed at building statehood and understanding the direction of the political course. However, it is becoming increasingly difficult to understand why, despite a series of revolutions, Russian aggression and numerous difficult steps to democratize the country through decentralization and territorial development, Ukraine has not yet formed a clear political course and ensured the stability of key state institutions, such as judicial, police and taxation systems. Such questions arise quite often and probably do not have an unambiguous answer. This article is devoted to those aspects of the Ukrainian mentality that have caused the current political situation in the state. The article reveals why, despite a series of revolutions, Russian aggression and a number of important steps to democratize countries through decentralization and territorial development, Ukraine does not form a clear political course and does not ensure the stability of key state institutions, such as the judicial, police and tax systems. The article utilizes the method of analysis, which is based on the comparison of historical events and their reflection in modern conditions. In addition to the aforementioned, the method of induction is introduced, which provides possibility of identifying a pattern in the presence of a limited amount of observations of recurring historical events. The article contains sections that consistently consider the historical facts, that have influenced the formation of the mentality of Ukraine, which has a significant impact on the formation of society and the choice of the leader, elected by the society. The article seeks to reveal the causes of certain political events in Ukraine from the influence of the Ukrainian mentality on them and to consider those aspects of it that hinder or help Ukrainians in the difficult process of state building. The purpose of the article is to determine the factors shaping the Ukrainian mentality that have an impact on the political processes that have been taking place for decades in Ukraine. The article does not criticize or accept the Ukrainian mentality, but on the contrary, reveals its historical stages of formation and influence on political processes in Ukraine in order to analyze, understand and predict them.

Ukraine has faced ongoing armed conflict within the eastern parts of its territory since 2014. The state witnessed the annexation of Crimea, de facto occupation of Donetsk and Lugansk regions, the shooting down of Flight MH-17, and numerous human rights violations in the eastern parts of the country. Since the Russian aggression in 2022, Ukraine has faced armed conflict throughout the country. At the same time, Russia and Ukraine had been states parties to the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Russia ceased to be a party to the ECHR on 16 September 2022, due to its expulsion from the Council of Europe (CoE) six months earlier. All the applications against the Russian Federation filed to the European Court on Human Rights (ECtHR) before this date should – and will – be examined by the Court. This research mainly aims to analyse the Court’s existing case-law concerning the events in Ukraine after 2014, and the ECtHR jurisprudence concerning armed conflicts. The purpose of such analysis is to examine the possibilities and challenges the Court will face in its forthcoming judgments in inter-state applications filed by Ukraine against Russia. It should be stressed that the execution of these future judgments may also be an issue.

Summary. The purpose of this study is to analyze how the initial stage of the Russian aggression against Ukraine was represented in "The New York Times". The methodology of the study is based on the principles of science, the use of general scientific methods inter alia, the methods of analysis and synthesis, as well as the content analysis method. The scientific novelty lies in the conclusion drawn for the first time in historiography that Russian propaganda aimed at American society in the first days of Russia’s military aggression against Ukraine was ineffective. The conclusions are as follows. "The New York Times" has paid much attention to the Russian aggression against Ukraine ever since the building of the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea was seized by a military Russian uni. For the period from February 27 to March 4, each issue of the newspaper contained materials that directly covered the Russian aggression or dealt with this problem indirectly. The authors of the materials promptly covered the current situation of that time, and taking into account the time difference between Ukraine and the United States, reports in the electronic and sometimes in the print version of the newspaper could appear on the same calendar day on which the commented event took place. The events in Ukraine were covered quite fully and objectively, the positions of both the Ukrainian and Russian sides, as well as the statements of the inhabitants of Crimea were cited. Russian propaganda’s attempts to shape the negative attitude of American society towards Ukraine and the Revolution of Dignity were unsuccessful.