Abstract
WRITING SOME TWENTY YEARS AGO Robin Farquharson pointed to the deceptive air of reality which pervades the conduct (and he might have added, the study) of South African general elections.' To the myopic observor a South African election exudes some of the atmosphere and exhibits many of the institutional features of elections in the liberal democracies. But the obvious peculiarity is that some 84 per cent of the adult population, being African, Indian or Coloured, is not only prevented by law from participating in these activities, but shows remarkably little interest in the outcome.2 By contrast, white electoral interest is at times intense, stimulated no doubt by the excitement of electioneering but taking little account, it seems, of either the inevitability of the result (a massive Nationalist majority) or the accusation that they are taking part in a travesty of the democratic process. Whilst the latter dilemma is unlikely to concern the ardent Nationalist supporter, it does pose difficulties for those who believe that participation in white electoral politics may circumscribe their ability to come to some future accomodation with the more moderate of black leaders, which they believe to be the only route to peaceful change in South Africa. This does not mean that they reject outright the parliamentary approach but the more perceptive of opposition politicians recognise clearly both its limitations and its utility. Others, for disparate reasons, proclaim the futility of white political opposition.3 Nevertheless, the vast majority of white South Africans do participate in elections, the most recent of which was held in November, 1977. If the government's constitutional proposals are enacted, it seems probable that South Africa has experienced its last election under the classic Westminster parliamentary model.
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