The Relevance of Agrarian Reform to the Sustainable Development Goals: Analysis of Community Land Empowerment for Food Sufficiency and Gender Equality through the Fishbone Diagram Method

This longitudinal evaluation of gender inequalities and economic growth addresses key questions in the evolving debate over the character of gender differentiation and the goals of womens empowerment. These questions include: 1) whether the impact of strategies of economic growth served to enhance or undermine the status of women; 2) whether changes in the status of women were accompanied by significant changes in gender inequality; and 3) the implications for existing debates. Section I reviews several sets of literature pertinent to the questions using three general approaches: modernization-neoclassical women in development and gender and development. Section II presents the data and methods used in the evaluation. The research assessed the contending interpretations reviewed in the first section by combining another set of cross-sectional and longitudinal data on womens status and inequalities between men and women with other existing indicators. Section III discusses the results in the following order: 1) cross-sectional patterns in womens status; 2) trends in womens status; 3) cross-sectional patterns in inequality between men and women; 4) trends in inequality between men and women; and 5) conclusion. Finally section IV presents an overall discussion of the findings of the whole longitudinal evaluation.

A 12-Year North American Longitudinal Study of Gender Equity and Equality in Gastroenterology

IntroductionGendered practices of working life create gender inequalities through horizontal and vertical gender segregation in work, which may lead to inequalities in health between women and men. Gender equality could therefore be a key element of health equity in working life. Our aim was to analyze what gender (in)equality means for the employees at a woman-dominated workplace and discuss possible implications for health experiences.MethodsAll caregiving staff at two workplaces in elder care within a municipality in the north of Sweden were invited to participate in the study. Forty-five employees participated, 38 women and 7 men. Seven focus group discussions were performed and led by a moderator. Qualitative content analysis was used to analyze the focus groups.ResultsWe identified two themes. "Advocating gender equality in principle" showed how gender (in)equality was seen as a structural issue not connected to the individual health experiences. "Justifying inequality with individualism" showed how the caregivers focused on personalities and interests as a justification of gender inequalities in work division. The justification of gender inequality resulted in a gendered work division which may be related to health inequalities between women and men. Gender inequalities in work division were primarily understood in terms of personality and interests and not in terms of gender.ConclusionThe health experience of the participants was affected by gender (in)equality in terms of a gendered work division. However, the participants did not see the gendered work division as a gender equality issue. Gender perspectives are needed to improve the health of the employees at the workplaces through shifting from individual to structural solutions. A healthy-setting approach considering gender relations is needed to achieve gender equality and fairness in health status between women and men.

Conventionally the social construction of a gender equality society can increase awareness of education in a patriarchal culture in Indonesia. The construction of gender equality and gender justice is carried out by people who have concerns about the role and work of women in particular and society in education. Top-down affirmations are carried out in various actions and gender equality movements. Women are the object of the equality movement to raise awareness and gender justice in the field of education. Along with the development of the times and in the era of digitalization as it is today, it can transform the paradigm of women's thinking. They actively participate in development through education. Although through various challenges and obstacles due to being in a patriarchal culture, the level of women is lower than men. This paper shows Gender Equality in Patriarchal Education and Culture, real theoretical challenges in improving gender equality, efforts to raise women's awareness of the importance of education, and the implementation of gender equality in education in the social context of society. This paper suggests the need for access and opportunity for women and public policies that are gender bias-oriented, involving women's participation and providing equitable benefits for women.

Background Medical abortion is one of the WHO recommended methods for safe and effective first trimester abortion. It is often seen as an emancipating procedure allowing women to be more in control of their abortion, as opposed to surgical procedures where the surgery is “done to” the woman by a doctor. In countries where medical abortion is legal and available, rates of medical abortion (vs. surgical abortion) vary greatly, e.g. in Europe from 24% to 98%. We hypothesised that these differences may mirror how empowered women are in different aspects of their lives and be in part explained by gender (in)equality at the country level. Methods We conducted correlation and regression analyses to assess the association between medical abortion rates and gender inequality in Europe, using several macro-level markers of gender equality such as national gender equality indices and rates of violence against women. The relevance of other structural factors, such as health system and abortion care characteristics was also investigated. Results Seventeen countries were included. Although the sample size was small, results pointed toward an association between several markers of economic gender equality and medical abortion rates. The Gender Gap Index (corr. coeff: 0.52, p = 0.03) and its economic component (corr. coeff: 0.64, p = 0.005), as well as the economic component of the Gender Equity Index (corr. coeff: 0.68, p = 0.003), were all positively associated with the outcome. Other dimensions of gender equality (e.g. political participation; violence against women) and health system factors (e.g. date of introduction of the method; type of abortion providers) were not associated with the outcome. Conclusions Our results suggest that women's empowerment in the economic sphere may have repercussions on the use of abortion care, potentially influencing what method of abortion the women ask for and what method they are offered. Key messages Barriers to the use of medical abortion go beyond the law (if a method is legal/available or not) and include structural determinants, such as gender equality. Higher levels of economic gender equality are associated with higher rates of medical abortion, highlighting the relationship between gender equality and choice of method of abortion.

We need to make sure telecommuting does not exacerbate gender disparity

Similar to many creative (and other) industries, the film and television industries have for long been permeated by male norms, and by the male worker as the norm. In this context, women workers have always been considered "oddities" – unless they have acted in front of the camera. To a large extent, women have been (and still are) image (Fischer, 1976; Mulvey, 1975). Women's work behind the camera have been counteracted, not least through efforts to exclude them from positions characterized as "creative" or "above-the-line" such as director, producer, and script writer. Further, women have been met with pervading difficulties in allocating finances for their projects and with circumscribed possibilities to have their work screened in the cinema. And although (a few) women are key through their function as "image," films with a woman protagonist are usually provided with a lesser budget than films with a male lead, and women actors get distinctly less paid than their male counterparts (SFI, 2018, https://www.forbes.com/sites/natalierobehmed/2017/08/22/full-list-the-worlds-highest-paid-actors-and-actresses-2017/?sh=2e1c961f3751). Let us give an example of the former: in the Swedish film industry, recently hailed worldwide of being one of the most gender equal screening industries, feature films made between 2013 and 2016 differed in terms of budget depending on the whether the protagonist in a film was male or female. Films with a male lead had on average a 33% higher budget than films with a woman lead. In that same period, women feature film directors had on average a budget ranging between 66% and 86% of the budget of films with a man as director (SFI, 2018). The report published in 2018, by the Swedish Film Institute, concluded that: "[films with women in] key functions generally have overall lower budgets than men" (SFI, 2018, p. 17). Following the international impact that the #Metoo-movement has had and still has, and the recent demands for a 50/50 dispersion between men and women on above-the-line positions in the film industry, gender issues have advanced to the forefront in discussions dealing with the working situation in the film and screen industries. These discussions have appeared in various national contexts in print and social media, as well as in academic work (see, e.g., Jansson et al., 2020; Liddy, 2020; Marghitu, 2018; Meziani & Cabantous, 2020; O'Brien, 2019). It has become obvious that gender inequality pervades all screen industries, large and small, and that women screen workers in different national screen contexts share similar experiences. As film and television production is becoming more and more globalized, with single productions often being the outcome a variety of regional and national industries, finances and competences, working and gendered experiences of being in the industry are also becoming increasingly globalized. Still, there are regional and local differences in how women screen workers experience their work and career situation and these need to be addressed. There are also various aspects of screen work that remain to be tended to academically. Hence, this special section offers a sample of national and local studies that all investigate how gender and equality work is done in four different contexts. It is our hope that this small sample may inspire not only more studies of national contexts, but also inspire to future cross-national studies. Before discussing how various academic fields have engaged with the screening industries in terms of work experience and representation, we wish to point out that film and television, as two available media formats reaching large and heterogeneous audiences, constitute two of the most central expressions of our time, and that both contribute to reflect and mold our understanding of society, of others – and of ourselves (de Lauretis, 1987; Dyer, 1993). Questions about who is allowed to make film and TV and what messages and images are presented and conveyed are thus politically important and imperative. The long-standing male dominance in the industry, together with the realization that images do matter, has sparked an interest in studying gender in the screen industries. The gender conditions in the film industry have attracted scholarly attention across the variety of disciplines in the social sciences and the humanities, and this special section is a vivid example of this cross-disciplinary scholarship. Three specific, but interrelated fields stand out when it comes to the study of gendered work and inequalities in these industries: production studies, management and life work studies, and studies of women's presence and conditions in screen work. In management studies and work life research, the early 2000s saw an increased interest in focusing and exploring the working conditions in the screening industries, alongside the growing interest for working experiences in what often referred to as the creative industries (see, e.g., Blair, 2001; Delmestri et al., 2005; Ebbers & Wijnberg, 2009; French, 2020; Jones & Pringle, 2015; Meziani & Cabantous, 2020; Soila-Wadman, 2003; Sörensen & Villadsen, 2014). This strand has also included a certain focus on how film can be used as a tool for instruction on how to exert leadership (see, e.g., Bell & Sinclair, 2016). Parallel to this development is the emergence of production studies, emanating from film and television studies. This field explores film and media as cultural practices of media production, and it does so from a variety of perspectives and with various methods. Of particular pertinence here is the sub-field of feminist production studies. This field engages in studying how "routines and rituals […], the economic and political forces […] shape roles, technologies, and the distribution of resources according to cultural and demographic differences" (Mayer et al., 2009, p. 4) in order to understand how "power operates locally through media production to reproduce social hierarchies and inequalities at the level of daily interaction" (Mayer, 2009, p. 15). One of the field's most important contributions here is the critique of the "auteurist" view that films are the "voice" of one single artist, most often the director. Instead, they argue that films are the result of collective work. Departing from this insight, production studies scholars have noted the importance of studying the work that is carried out in the margins, to question the differentiation between "creative" and "craft" professions in film making, and to pay attention to the work done "below-the-line" by workers in the film industry who are seldom credited, but without whose work films would not be produced (see, e.g., Banks, 2009, 2018; Banks et al., 2016; Mayer, 2009, 2011; Mayer et al., 2009). Alongside these two areas of research, there is a third, and more recent, strand that is dedicated to studying women's presence, analyzing policy measures targeting gender (in)equality along with studying impediments to gender equality in the film industry and women's conditions in a male dominated screening industry. This strand of research comes out of feminist media studies as a rather broad field, encompassing both the humanities and the social sciences. While research in both management studies and productions studies constitute important foundations for any research conducted on gender and screen work, for this special section, it is this third strand that is of most relevance, taken that it embraces and explores both local and the global aspects of women's conditions in the male dominated screening industries. Let us therefore shortly present this strand a bit more – and the issues it has raised – in order to give a contextualization of this special section and its four articles. Studies of women's presence in the film industry have mapped the number of women behind the camera, sometimes also including an intersectional analysis and identified gendered budget-gaps and other impediments to gender equality (Cobb, 2020; Lauzen, 2019; Liddy, 2020; Smith et al., 2013). Much of this research is conducted in the United States, discussing the conditions in a film industry that is exclusively driven by private, and most often commercial, stakeholders. In other commercially focused film centers such as Bollywood in India and Nollywood in Nigeria, women behind the screen are reported to be few and the representation of women on screen stereotypical (Mukherjee, 2018; Prakash, 2020; Ukata, 2020). In other contexts, such as Europe, Australia, New Zealand, and Canada, where there is public support for film production, gender equality is often proclaimed to be a goal. For instance, the Council of Europe (2017) declared its dedication to gender equality in film production in the so-called Sarajevo-declaration, and according to a mapping carried out by the European Audiovisual Observatory in 2019, 15 EU countries have introduced gender equality measures (EAO, 2019, p. 16). In a recent anthology collecting evidence from a number of countries, media scholar Susan Liddy concludes that while demands for gender equality has been voiced by women in all contexts, public funding institutions range from those being "gender blind… to those who theoretically commit to equality but prevaricate on the best measures to implement change to others who have introduced formal gender policies and intervention strategies" (Liddy, 2020, p. 2). Scholars have pointed to several problems with gender equality policies and reforms in the film sector: they are often vague and without a plan for implementation (Thorsen, 2020), they only reach those who are involved in projects actually funded by public means (Cobb & Williams, 2020), and they lack intersectional intention and reach (Cobb & Williams, 2020; Thorsen, 2020). Further, when reforms are implemented, problems arise because making films include a range of different stakeholders and parties, which are out of reach of government policies (Jansson, 2016), and because the film industry is entrenched with institutionalized norms and values that is difficult to change and which tend to reduce the effects of policies (Jansson, 2017; Jansson & Wallenberg, 2020). Scholars investigating women's conditions in the film industry have for a long time indicated that the way the industry is organized both formally and informally benefits white men. The sexual division of labor in the organization is manifested in women being found on positions such as script supervisors, costume designers, and make-up artists, as well as in various below-the-line positions. Many below-the-line professions are dominated by men, and the female dominated positions such as the ones mentioned above, tend to have lower status (Banks, 2009). Scholars have also noted differences in status among above-the-line professions. For instance, while male directors and scriptwriters are considered to be able to "carry" a movie, women directors and scriptwriters are not considered to do so (Bielby & Bielby, 1996, Eikhof and Cole in this issue). The trope of the male genius has been discussed as a hindrance to gender equality in several studies (see, e.g., Lantz, 2007; Marghitu, 2018; Regev, 2016; Schatz, 1988; and by Jansson et al. in this special section). Studies have also looked into how other features of the way the film industry is organized affects gender and concluded that the outcome of networking differs substantially to the favor of men (Grugulis & Stoyanova, 2012). Moreover, mothering duties limits women's possibilities in an industry where long days and extremely intense periods of work away from home are considered to be the normal procedure (Liddy, 2017; Liddy & O'Brien, 2021; O'Brien, 2015, 2019; Wing-Fai et al., 2015; Wreyford, 2013). Considering all these past (and recent) studies, there is no doubt that the screening industries – as production sites and as workplaces – are of definite interest to scholars within different disciplines. This special section aims at addressing some of the issues that recent scholarship has touched upon and tried to tackle, and it does so from four different national and cultural contexts. At the center of all four articles included in the section is the analysis of women's conditions in the screening industries, including their experiences of working and trying to get by – and of how these industries continue to foster the notion of women film workers as "oddities" in an industry that continues to uphold the idea of the genius as male. Let us now turn to the four articles included in this special section. In our first article, "The price of motherhood in the Irish film and television industries," media scholars Susan Liddy and Anne O'Brien discuss the continuous problems that surround motherhood and screen work, finding in their material evidence that there is a systemic bias against mothers, not only as women, but also as women and mothers, and that mothers have internalized the marginalization that comes from their maternal status. They have also found that many mothers adapted ways that would help them to sustain their working lives, but they were rarely supported in those adaptations by the screen production industry. In "'Almost a European, but not quite': Experiences of Female Employees in the Lithuanian Film Industry from the Postcolonial Point of View," authors Lina Kaminskaite and Jelena Salaj discuss how the women filmmakers experience their conditions in a film industry that is still marked by the transformation of Lithuania from being part of the Soviet union to becoming a country which is a member of the EU. They argue that the Lithuanian film industry is characterized by being in a postcolonial state. While the opening up of Lithuania has meant new possibilities for women film workers, it has also presented difficulties and the negotiation of new identities and new mode of film production. Doris Ruth Eikhof and Amanda Cole focus on how women are considered a risk in film production and how this leads to precarious conditions for women in the industry. In their article named, "On the basis of risk: Screen directors and gender inequality," they use the intersectional risk theory to understand how gender inequality is related to risk management practices in the screen industry. Studying two specific gender equality initiatives in the Canadian film industry, they show how risk management is gendered, and they argue that risk plays an important part in decision making in the industry. By understanding how risk is gendered, they argue, it is possible to change the processes that decides how risk is understood. The last article included in this special section departs from the much-debated aspect of film production, namely the final saying over a film's final format. In "The Final Cut," authors Maria Jansson, Frantzeska Papadopoulou, Ingrid Stigsdotter, and Louise Wallenberg discuss how the relationship between film director and producer serve to reproduce gendered relations that position the male creator and producer as norm – even in contexts where both director and producer are women. Departing from a series of interviews made with mostly women working in these two professions, the authors show how these two above-the-line professions are still governed by the malestream and that they tend to be constructed in relation to masculinity. Clearly, even in a country like Sweden, often hailed for its equality work, the gender equality measures that are undertaken are not sufficient to come to grips with gender inequalities and the male norm. Taken together the four articles shed light on different aspects of the film industry. The evidence provided from the different countries indicate that there are many similarities in the challenges that women in the film industry face. However, there are also differences depending on context. The article about Lithuania shows the importance of situating the film industry in a historical and political context. O'Brian and Liddy show in their article, the importance of understanding the specific context of how child care and the welfare state play out in order to capture women's conditions in film and television work. Eikhof and Cole's article demonstrates the necessity of applying an intersectional approach in order to also see differences in conditions between women, even if they work in the same industry and the same country. The article on Sweden, finally, looks deeper into how specific gender equality policies targeting the film industry plays out, and what problems remain, after having been implemented for almost 20 years. We believe that this special section is one step toward a deeper understanding of how gender shapes the working conditions in the film industry, and hope that it will inspire further research that takes a wider, more inclusive and possibly also more comparative grip on women screen worker's experiences and work conditions. This work was supported by the Riksbankens Jubileumsfond under Grant no. P17-0079:1. No conflict of interest has been declared by the authors. The authors confirm that the data supporting the findings of this study are available within the article and/or its supplementary materials.

Gender equality in emergency medicine: Ignorance isn't bliss.

ABSTRACTAccording to recent research, the impact of awareness‐raising interventions about gender (in)equality depends on how messages are framed. Extending previous work, we conducted an experimental study (N = 1093; 50% women) to examine whether the combination of two frames about gender (in)equality (emphasizing the achievement of gender equality and the persistence of gender inequality) had more positive effects on attitudes toward women and gender equality of women and men than each framing individually. Additionally, we considered the mediating role of identity threat and cognitive unfreezing, and the moderating role of participants’ neosexism and feminist identification. The results showed that the combined frame, compared to the gender inequality persistence‐frame, reduced identity threat and improved attitudes toward women and gender equality solely among women. We also found that the combined framing, compared to the equality framing, increased cognitive unfreezing and improved women's and non‐sexist men's attitudes toward women and gender equality. However, for non‐sexist women, this framing was less beneficial than the inequality framing. In conclusion, the present study highlights the need to examine both the possible mechanisms involved and the gender ideology of individuals whenever interventions targeting gender equality are designed.

PROTOCOL: The effects of road infrastructure, and transport and logistics services interventions on women's participation in informal and formal labour markets in low- and middle-income countries: a systematic review.

Access to ART treatment and gender equality

ABSTRACTPhysical infrastructure, such as market centers and roads, can foster women's economic empowerment and gender equality and mitigate adverse effects of seasonality on availability and prices of nutritious foods. The lack of infrastructure is therefore a major challenge for agricultural development in Sub‐Saharan Africa and South Asia—the regional focus of this study. It threatens food and nutrition security, depriving low‐income consumers' access to healthy, affordable food and quality nutrition. Interestingly, previous studies show that physical infrastructure promotes inclusive growth and maximizes positive impacts such as improved well‐being and sustainable development, and can contribute to the empowerment of women and girls. When infrastructural investments are planned, delivered, and managed using nutrition‐sensitive, gender‐inclusive, and responsive approaches, it can help to address barriers that impede access to nutritious diets, nutrition security, and structural inequities militating against women and girls at the household and market levels. Hence, investments in physical infrastructure could be a useful pathway for meeting various Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs 1–No Poverty, 2–Zero Hunger, 3–Good Health and Wellbeing, 5–Gender Equality, 6–Clean water and sanitation, 7–Affordable and Clean Energy, and 8–Decent Work and Economic Growth). However, few studies have examined the evidence and gaps on infrastructure's impact on nutritious diet, women's economic empowerment, and gender equality in low‐ and middle‐income countries (LMICs) in Sub‐Saharan Africa and South Asia. Evidence and gap maps are useful tools for promoting evidence‐informed decision‐making by making evidence and research gaps accessible to policymakers, development practitioners, and researchers. This EGM was conducted in the consultations with stakeholders. This study seeks to identify, map, and provide an overview of the existing evidence and gaps on the impact of physical infrastructure on nutritious diets, women's economic empowerment, and gender equality among low‐income consumers in LMICs in sub‐Saharan Africa and South Asia regions. A standardized search strategy was adapted for searching published and unpublished studies in 3 academic databases, 33 institutional websites, Google, Google Scholar, 3 existing EGMs, and 8 registries of randomized control trials and pre‐analysis plans from June 2022 to September 2022. Additional papers were identified through OpenAlex in EPPI‐Reviewer. We supplemented the database searches by conducting hand searches and backward citation searches in identified reviews for relevant studies. We also contacted five prominent authors in the literature for relevant completed and on‐going studies for the EGM. The selection criteria adapted the PICOS (population, intervention, comparison, outcomes, and study design) approach. The intervention was defined as those related to establishing or upgrading physical infrastructure for the agricultural sector and local economic development, such as production, post‐production, distribution, and information. Furthermore, the outcomes were nutritious diets, women's economic empowerment, and gender equality. This EGM does not specify a comparison group. Two other eligibility criteria for including studies were publication in the Year 2000 and onwards, and those studies written in the English language. A total of 17,102 studies were uploaded and screened in EPPI‐Reviewer data management software for titles and abstracts. About 969 studies were screened for full‐text, and 342 eligible studies were included in the map based on a pre‐defined code. The unit of analysis was a study. Therefore, each item presented in the EGM is a study. Studies reporting multiple interventions, outcomes, or study designs were coded multiple times per the appropriate coding category, but counted as one entry in the EGM. All outliers and out‐of‐range frequency values of assigned codes were identified and cleaned. Data was analyzed using descriptive statistics in Microsoft Excel and STATA version 16. The EGM was generated using EPPI‐Mapper. A total of 342 studies (337 completed and 5 ongoing studies) from 54 countries across the sub‐Saharan Africa and South Asia regions were included in the EGM. The EGM shows a steady growth in evidence over the last two decades. Most of the studies were impact evaluations (n = 178), followed by summative evaluations (n = 101). Non‐experimental evaluation (n = 255) was the most common study design employed, followed by qualitative studies (n = 94), systematic review (n = 9), and scoping and other reviews (n = 48). This EGM did not find any studies using randomized controlled trials. The few systematic reviews included in the EGM had no accompanying meta‐analysis. The most studied regions were Eastern Africa (n = 133), followed by West Africa (n = 100) and South Asia (n = 93). Production infrastructure (n = 202) had most of the evidence, compared with post‐production infrastructure (n = 125), distribution infrastructure (n = 41), and information infrastructure (n = 2). Nutritious diets outcomes (n = 274) were the most reported indicators, compared with women's economic empowerment (n = 89) and gender equality (n = 53) outcomes. The aggregate map showed that production infrastructure and nutritious diets had the most cluster of evidence (n = 188) and this suggest a potential area for future evidence synthesis. This EGM presents evidence and research gaps around infrastructural interventions related to nutritious diets, women's economic empowerment, and gender equality, with specific references to the continents of Sub‐Saharan Africa and South Asia. Most of the evidence is based on non‐experimental impact evaluations, and we could not find any randomized controlled trials—a critical gap for future research. The majority of evidence was gathered in Eastern Africa, whereas Central Africa was the least documented. The most studied intervention was irrigation, and more evidence was found on nutritious diets than on women's empowerment and gender equality. This is important at the academic level and at the policy level to assist resource allocation and to support evidence‐based policy tools such as systematic reviews and policy briefs.

This paper applies an Islamic legal sociology approach to criticize the typology of East Java society and their views on gender equality, women's empowerment, and women's roles in mosques based on the subcultures of East Java community: Mataraman , Tapal kuda, and Arek'an . The concept of male-female equality has not been fully accepted by religious leaders. There is a power relation in the Muslim society’s high-power structure because religious leaders are still dominated by men while women are considered as subordinate and marginal groups. On the one hand, there is still a patriarchal cultural-based political configuration that affects gender discrimination. On the other hand, the Muslim community has not been completely established to protect women. Finally, the finding of this paper is that the role of mosque-based women in three sub-cultures of East Java shows different results. The subculture of Mataraman tends to be culture-based, whereas religion is considered as a supporting factor. The subculture of Tapal Kuda prefers to collaborate religious views with patriarchal cultures. Finally, the subculture of Arek'an is likely to dialogue religion with culture more inclusively. A progressive mosque that provides women's empowerment may break the chain of the gender-biased understanding and change the mindsets of patriarchal Muslim societies through dialogue, social interaction, and productive activities.

Conventionally, the social construction of a gender equality society is able to increase awareness of education in a patriarchal culture in Indonesia. The construction of gender equality and gender justice is carried out by people who have concern for the role and progress of women in particular and society in the field of education. Top down affirmations are carried out by various gender equality actions and movements. Women who are the object of the equality movement, to increase gender awareness and justice in the field of education. Along with the times and in the era of digitalization as it is today, it is able to transform the paradigm of women’s thinking. They take an active part in real development through education. Despite going through various challenges and obstacles due to being in a patriarchal culture, where the level of women is lower than that of men. This paper shows that gender equality in education and patriarchal culture, theoretically factual challenges in increasing gender equality, efforts to increase women’s awareness of the importance of education, implementation of gender equality in education in the social context of society. This paper suggests need to provide access and opportunities for women, public policies that are gender-biased oriented, involve women’s participation, so as to be able to provide a just principle of benefit for women, one of which is through education by providing sufficient access to women.

Gender relations of the Malaysian Sikh community are strongly influenced by gender ideology. Understanding gender ideology, as perceived by the Sikhs, influences how gender equality is practised in various aspects of life. Sikh religion originated from the Indian state of Punjab. Punjabi society is heterogeneous in terms of religion, region, class, caste and gender lines, and is a patriarchal society. In Punjab, male-dominant ideology is the norm of society and is very visible in day-to-day living practices. It is also evident among the Sikh diaspora in Malaysia that is a minority community in the country. The diversity of Malaysian culture adds to the complexity of the gender ideology understanding and its practice in terms of gender relations among Sikh men and women. Gender (in)equality is also influenced by the religious and cultural ideology that is rooted in the Sikh religion. In practice, gender equality between Sikh men and women in Malaysia is a debatable issue. Therefore, this theoretical and conceptual chapter discusses the issue of gender inequality among the Sikhs of Malaysia today. The discussion is framed by the Intersectional Sikhism framework that examined women at the intersection of sexism oppression and the identity construction approach. It is particularly necessary to examine and deliberate to what extent gender equality is advocated and practised in the Malaysian Sikh community. This chapter concludes with recommendations to improve gender equality in the social and economic domains of the Malaysian Sikh community.KeywordsGender ideologyGender (in)equalityIntersectional SikhismMalaysian Sikh women