Abstract

The #MeToo movement, from its creation by activist Tarana Burke back in 2006 to its explosion on social media during the 2017 Harvey Weinstein sexual assault allegations, has continuously propagated images of gendered resistance from around the globe. In South Korea, Poland, Mexico, Bangladesh, and more, large numbers of women protest a variety of gendered topics: from unjust rulings in cases of domestic violence, to the lack of reproductive rights, to femicide, to inaction by law enforcement on cases of stalking, harassment, or sexual assault, and more. These images clearly demonstrate that public resistance is dominated by women, even in societies that are seen to traditionally subjugate women—though this is not new, and women have always been involved in resistance even when there was no way to document their participation. However, in countries where conservative institutions, public opinion, and government policy that contribute to gender inequality are paired with punitive action for opposition, women face a higher risk of being punished, ostracized, or brutalized for their resistance. In Thailand, a military state with perhaps the strictest lèse majesté laws in the world, activists are frequently fined, imprisoned, kept under surveillance, disappeared, or forced to flee. Despite this, Thailand experiences frequent surges of public resistance, dominated by youth and overwhelmingly by women. Since February 2020, a large portion of the Thai population, consisting primarily of students, has taken to public demonstrations demanding a fair democracy and constitutional reform, joined together in exasperation over an uncertain future, a crippling economy, an untouchable elite, and a rigged election. In this now years-long movement, fueled by global support and sophisticated protest tactics learned from watching Hong Kong, we observe the inclusion of gendered protest topics and demands by Thai women and girls. This paper demonstrates how Thai women utilize the movement to demand progress in gendered areas by examining examples taken throughout the 2020 pro-democracy protest movement, with the overall objective of contributing to understanding the relationship between public resistance and feminism.

Highlights

  • Introductionผูห้ ญิงคนไทยสามารถเลียงลูกและเป็ นแม่ทีดีในขณะเด้ยอกันกําปันคนเข์มแบอสามากทีจะต่อสูค้ ตรู ได้Thai women rock rock the the cradle cradle with with one one hand hand and and swing swing the the sword sword with with the the other.other (Chadchaidee 1994, 1994, p. p. 123) 123)

  • Prime Minister (PM) Prayuth Chan-ocha and his supporters took power from thenprime minister Yingluck Shinawatra in 2014 through a military coup following a period of political instability that had seen a rise in anti-government protests calling for democratic reform

  • A royalist with strong ties to the military, PM Prayuth’s administration brought with it a significant increase in cracking down on dissent or political opposition via lèse majesté laws, stricter conformation of students in schools, and increased censorship on internet and media platforms to limit the spread of government criticism through geo-blocking

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Summary

Introduction

To regulations on female soldiers by Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Defense, women serving in the. At some point during Siam’s history, between frequent power changes through militarized coups It is imperative that I acknowledge that I title the paper using “women” and depict the term “gendered resistance” as relative to the gender binary (male and female), I must emphasize that gendered resistance is relative to the issues, demands, and needs of non-binary and LGBTQ+-identifying women. In a country that is mistakenly believed by foreigners to be friendly to LGBTQ+ people and lifestyles due to the global popularity of Thai drag shows and ladyboys, it is important to note that LGBTQ+ people in Thailand continue to face discrimination and exploitation in many aspects of Thai society despite their seemingly positive presence in media and entertainment

Background
On Rape Culture
On Reproductive Rights
Findings
Conclusions
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