Abstract

WITH THE DRASTIC leadership change after the death of Mao Tse-tung and the spectacular second rehabilitation of Teng lsiao-p'ing, the prolonged power struggle that began with the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution has finally ended in a decisive victory for the rehabilitated cadres-those who have returned to active political life after having been purged during the Cultural Revolution. Will the common experiences of the rehabilitated cadres lead them to form a solid political bloc vis-a'-vis other political groups, including the younger leaders who owe their rapid rise to the Cultural Revolution? Will the rehabilitated cadres' humiliating experiences of having once been criticized, demoted, and even purged have any impact on their policy options, leadership style, and relationships with other colleagues? Although these are questions crucial to an understanding of Chinese politics in the years to come, the answers are elusive. First, it is not always clear which cadres were officially purged during the Cultural Revolution because most were attacked by one group or another at some point during that turbulent mass movement. Identification of all rehabilitated cadres is even more difficult because rehabilitation is an internal process not widely discussed in the Chinese news media. The media report the names of people who appear on public occa-

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