Abstract
AbstractThe modern Polish-Lithuanian Republic drew the attention of many French political authors like Théodore de Bèze, Jean Boucher, Jean Bodin, Henri de Boulainvilliers, Montesquieu, Voltaire or Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The Sarmatian State appeared in French political literature in 1573, when the French prince Henri de Valois was elected king of the Polish-Lithuanian Republic, until 1795, when it disappeared from the map of Europe. It appeared not only in political treaties but also in pamphlets, manifestos and travel literature. This article aims at analysing this continuous presence, which constitutes a fascinating key for reading the French political debates of the modern era.
Highlights
The modern Polish-Lithuanian Republic drew the attention of many French political authors like Théodore de Bèze, Jean Boucher, Jean Bodin, Henri de Boulainvilliers, Montesquieu, Voltaire or Jean-Jacques Rousseau
The Sarmatian State appeared in French political literature in 1573, when the French prince Henri de Valois was elected king of the Polish-Lithuanian Republic, until 1795, when it disappeared from the map of Europe
This article aims at analysing this continuous presence, which constitutes a fascinating key for reading the French political debates of the modern era
Summary
The modern Polish-Lithuanian Republic drew the attention of many French political authors like Théodore de Bèze, Jean Boucher, Jean Bodin, Henri de Boulainvilliers, Montesquieu, Voltaire or Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Penser les relations entre gouvernants et gouvernés (Paris-Nanterre 2019) aims at re-examining this research field in the long-term perspective It analyses the image of the Polish-Lithuanian Republic in more than 150 French printings from 1573 to 1795. The purpose of the research is to show the evolution of French representations of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth throughout two centuries, in the context of events in Poland or Franco-Polish diplomatic relationships but mainly in the context of French disputes on the form of government This issue is even more fascinating in that, at the dawn of modern times, the Kingdom of France and the PolishLithuanian Republic chose two totally different political paths. Regular convocations of the Parliament (Sejm) or–from the mid-17th century–the liberum veto perfectly illustrated this Polish-Lithuanian divergence from France, where unconditional heredity, absolute royal power, complete obedience, and loyalty were highly predicated and asserted, and where the General Estates had never been convoked between 1614 and 1789
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