Abstract

The article examines the permeability of composite indicative forms in the active and passive voice in contemporary Bulgarian. Two cases have been distinguished: permeability from short dative and accusative personal pronouns and from the particle “се” [se] of pronominal origin, as well as permeability from the particle “ли” [li] and other particles, inserted remarks, adverbs, and simple sentences. In addition, I have provided an overview of some specific and generalized models of permeability, supported by examples from language corpora and the internet. The drawn conclusions highlight both the common and unique features of the permeability of composite verb forms. In order to support this, I have provided examples obtained from language corpora and the internet, encompassing short personal pronouns, adverbs, particles like “се” [se] and “ли” [li], inserts, simple sentences, as well as composite forms where permeability is not feasible. Additionally, I have identified several cases of possible penetration in two places from the same linguistic elements. The presented examples and models, together with the reached conclusions, prove that the process of grammaticalization at a formal level has not been fully accomplished in the Bulgarian verb paradigm. This is due to the fact that composite forms are permeable to other elements. I have applied Lehmann’s parameter of grammaticalization in order to demonstrate that as the process of grammaticalization progresses, both the ability to rearrange elements and the permeability from other linguistic units decreases.

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