The “Immortal Regiment”: A “Holiday Through Tears,” a Parade of the Dead, or a Mass Protest?

The history of the Great Patriotic War has become post-Soviet Russia’s universal language for political discussion and the only effective “bond.” As the most advantageous narrative from the perspective of the regime’s interests, it is this narrative of war that the Kremlin seeks to control above all. Memory of the war has been “appropriated” by the state, and the more freedom it has to manipulate this, the less veterans are able to challenge its triumphal mythmaking. However, the memory of war is, for most Russians, not limited to any official narrative in school texts, books, or films. For each family, it is also a family history, an object of pride, and a memory of tragedy. The state’s appropriation of the war and the pressure of “military-patriotic propaganda” have sparked resistance among a significant portion of society, along with a desire to affirm their own family memories. The “Immortal Regiment” was originally an attempt to seize power from the state monopoly and to assert the history of the war as a family history, one not inscribed in the state narrative alone, but that also subordinates the state narrative to family memory. Millions of Russians took to the streets to assert their right to history, the most powerful political statement in Russia’s entire post-Soviet history. The state has tried to paint the Immortal Regiment as a loyalist movement, because it speaks to the same topic that constitutes the core of the regime’s own political ideology, the Great Patriotic War. Meanwhile, it is clear even to the regime itself that this movement is discussing the war differently, in fact undermining the state’s interpretive monopoly on the military past and, consequently, its right to make political statements that exploit the theme of the war. It nevertheless remains too early to say whether the state has fully integrated this action into the propaganda mainstream. Furthermore, the power of the Immortal Regiment is even forcing propaganda to adapt to the demands of family and personal memory.

Introduction. Historical memory determines a person’s attitude towards the country, towards their people, ethnic group, and other groups with which they identify themselves with. The formation of historical memory involves not only the state, which is interested in fostering a sense of patriotism and citizenship in the young generation, but also such social institutions as the family, school, University, media, etc. Family attaches the individual to the social experience of the past, as it lays the foundation of the individual forms of self-awareness, love for the homeland, and its past. Family memory is part of historical memory, because there is no family history outside the history of the country. Materials and methods. The article presents an analysis of sociological qualitative research of semi-structured interviews in order to identify the role of the family in the process of forming the historical memory of young people in the Finno-Ugric families of Mordovians and Udmurts. 28 interviews were conducted (14 Mordovian and 14 Udmurt families were interviewed). The research included the study of the main mechanisms, factors and features of the formation of historical memory in the Finno-Ugric families of Mordovians and Udmurts. Research and Discussion. It was revealed that the main mechanisms for transmitting family memory to the younger generation are family stories, observance of a certain family, ethnic traditions, commemorative practices, etc. The central event of historical memory in the families of Mordovians and Udmurts is the Great Patriotic war, which affected every family. Most of the informants participate in the action «Immortal regiment». The interest in the history of the family, the family name is higher than interest in the homeland, the history of their ethnic group. In Udmurt families, there was a better awareness of ethnic traditions and holidays than in Mordovian ones. The most visited places of memory are churches, cemeteries, and the Eternal fire memorial. Conclusion. The family aspect of historical memory is given more attention in the Finno-Ugric families of Mordovia and Udmurts than the regional (ethnic) or Federal one. Most respondents believe that family and school play a crucial role in shaping the historical memory of the younger generation.

Memory production, vandalism, violence: Civil society and lessons from a short life of a monument to Stalin

With state control being a consistent pattern for more than 2,000 years, family ( jia) and state ( guo) seem inseparable in China. During the twenty-first century, media technology, freer access to information, and increasing mobility have tilted this delicate balance. At a massive scale and in various forms and genres, family history and genealogy are flourishing. Why has family history had such a mobilizing effect on ordinary people over the last two decades? How does family history contribute to our understanding of historical and societal changes? This article traces the history of family history in China and pinpoints where the traditional family history fails. With a critical survey of the emerging family history practices, it argues for a more practical-oriented approach, with which family history can connect personal narratives, family memories, and public history.

Статья посвящена общественно значимой роли памяти о Великой Отечественной войне и Победе в ней для многонационального культурного сообщества Северного Кавказа. Ее целью является рассмотреть состояние и эволюцию культурного пространства Северного Кавказа, в котором сложилось достаточно емкое отражение памяти о Великой Отечественной войне. В качестве культурного нарратива память о войне расценивается как инструмент преодоления постсоветских проблем региона и консолидации северокавказских народов на основе привлечения исторической науки, достижений художественной культуры, новейших технических средств коммуникации и гражданских инициатив. При опоре на концепцию исторической памяти, использовании хронологического и историко-сравнительного методов рассматриваются общие и специфические региональные практики, опыт развития методов и форм закрепления памяти о Великой Отечественной войне средствами монументального искусства в общественном сознании. Привлечены источники, свидетельствующие о неразрывности связи памяти поколений на примерах возведения в регионе общих мемориальных комплексов, посвященных участникам Великой Отечественной войны, воинам-интернационалистам и защитникам родной земли от международного терроризма. Историко-культурный ландшафт Северного Кавказа формируется также из материалов, связанных с деятельностью региональных архивов, музеев и библиотек. Благодаря их усилиям получили распространение новейшие методы информационного обеспечения персональных и массовых форм запросов о событиях и участниках Великой Отечественной войны. Новые решения в ходе увековечения памяти о войне в культурном пространстве региона коррелируются с социально-правовыми новациями федерального значения, в результате которых в настоящее время существует движение «Бессмертный полк», создан Национальный центр исторической памяти и принят Федеральный закон «Об увековечении памяти жертв геноцида советского народа в период Великой Отечественной войны 1941-1945 годов». The article is devoted to the socially significant role of the memory of the Great Patriotic War and the Victory in it for the multinational cultural community of the North Caucasus. Its purpose is to consider the state and evolution of the cultural space of the North Caucasus, which has developed a fairly capacious reflection of the memory of the Great Patriotic War. As a cultural narrative, the memory of the war is regarded as a tool for overcoming the post-Soviet problems of the region and consolidating the North Caucasian peoples based on the involvement of historical science, achievements of artistic culture, the latest technical means of communication and civil initiatives. General and specific regional practices, the experience of developing methods and forms of consolidating the memory of the Great Patriotic War by means of monumental art in the public consciousness are considered based on the concept of historical memory, chronological and historical-comparative methods. Documentary sources are involved that testify to the inseparability of the memory of generations using examples of the construction of common memorial complexes in the region dedicated to participants in the Great Patriotic War, internationalist soldiers and defenders of their native land from international terrorism. The historical and cultural landscape of the North Caucasus is also formed from materials related to the activities of regional archives, museums and libraries. Thanks to the efforts of cultural figures, the latest methods of information support for personal and mass forms of requests about the events and participants of the Great Patriotic War have become widespread. New decisions in the course of perpetuating the memory of the war in the cultural space of the region correlate with social and legal innovations of federal significance, as a result of which the Immortal Regiment movement currently exists, the National Center for Historical Memory was created and the Federal Law "On the Perpetuation of the Memory of the Victims of the Genocide of the Soviet People during the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945" was adopted.

The topic of the Great Patriotic War remains relevant today and, to a certain extent, has a sacred character. The interest of scholars and researchers in studying the events of 1941-45 is particularly heightened during the anniversary years of the Great Victory Day celebrations. This article examines the historical memory of students regarding the Great Patriotic War. The subject of the analysis is the content of historical memory of the events of 1941-45 among different generations of students (using the example of students in the Altai Territory). Special attention is given to the justification for distinguishing students and school graduates as different generations of students. The article, using a survey method in the form of a questionnaire, as well as the method of comparative analysis and a generational approach, reveals the dynamics of the content of historical memory of the Great Patriotic War of 1941-45 among different generations of students. A sociological analysis revealed that young students maintain continuity in both the content of their historical memory of the Great Patriotic War and their assessments of the factors that contributed to its victory. A trend toward declining interest in the history of the Great Patriotic War of 1941-45 and the knowledge component of historical memory across different generations of young students was also identified. Unlike university students, high school graduates are less interested in the events of 1941-45 and possess less knowledge about the Great Patriotic War. The article describes the role of social institutions involved in preserving the historical memory of the Great Patriotic War. In particular, it notes a declining role for the family in preserving the historical memory of the Great Patriotic War due to a decline in the role of social practices in youth communication with their parents and grandparents. At the same time, it has been established that schools retain their position as a leading social institution in defining the substantive dominant of the historical memory of the Great Patriotic War for all generations of students. The article devotes special attention to recommendations aimed at minimizing the risks associated with preserving the historical memory of students.

The article is devoted to the i dentif ication of the Great Patriotic War memory reproduution features. Defining post-memory as the "remote" memory of generations about a significant or traumatic historical event, which they did not personally witness, but acquired memory of it through the stories of relatives of the older generation, as well as through empathy, self-identification and involvement with them, the authors refer to the data of a qualitative sociological study conducted in 2023 and 2024 by the method of in-depth interviews with representatives of three cjenerations in 36 famliieSr The resutts of the analysis show that family memory is discreter wtth lacunae and whtte spott present it memorie s of all the 20th century historical periods, including the Great Patriotic War. A full-fledged family history, which is reproduced from generation to generation, can be said to apply to one fourth of the surveyed families. In most cases, it consists of disparate stories, short stories, and family legends, which is precisely what constitutes the so-called "cultural" family memory. At the same time, the period of the Great Patriotic War is one of the most fulfilimg segments of famlly memory and includes both raemed stoner related to real events and family legends colored by emotional experiences. The authors identify several dominant frames of the family narrative: war as a catastrophe, war as suffering and overcoming, war as a feat, as an adventure. A certain conflict has been identified between the official historical narrative and family memory, which is fraught with the spread among young people of a detached and even indifferent view of the events of the Patriotic War.

This article presents the results of a study examining the sociological aspects of school events dedicated to the 80th anniversary of victory in the Great Patriotic War. The authors used E. Erikson's theory of socialisation, J. G. Mead's significant other theory, J. Urry's ideas on social and physical space and "mobility capital," as well as P. Nora's historical concepts of "places of memory" and commemorations as the theoretical and sociological basis for their analysis. Based on a content analysis of interviews with Nizhny Novgorod school principals conducted in April of this year, 12 factors were identified that reflect the formats of patriotic education for schoolchildren, as well as the specifics of events during the 80th anniversary of Victory Day (general frameworks for patriotic education, permanent patriotic education structures, in-school cultural events, specifics of school formats, the role of teachers, the school museum as a special space, engaging veterans in schools, district and city formats, family memory research, the Immortal Regiment as an all-Russian event, thematic trips, and inter-country interaction). A sequence of places of memory at different levels was constructed: school – district – city – all-Russian – international. Places of memory ensure the inclusion of schoolchildren in the social and physical space of the corresponding level and the development of their mobility capital. Inclusion in social space occurs through the formation of a group identity (school student, city, district, or country resident) and interaction with social institutions (education, family, professional institutions). The family, as a social group and institution, acts as a kind of mediator in the student's interaction with other social institutions, and family memory reflects and concretises historical memory. The importance of emotional characteristics in the patriotic education process is noted: emotional identification with significant social groups, the experience of empathy, and a subjective interpretation of historical events. An analysis of the lexemes comprising these factors allowed the authors to interpret festive school events as an integral part of patriotic education for schoolchildren, consistent with the current challenges of the socialisation process (overcoming crises characteristic of school age, forming a group of generalised others as the basis of social identity) and contributing to the growth of mobility capital. The study is part of a longitudinal study of the historical memory of the Great Patriotic War, conducted by sociologists in Nizhny Novgorod in collaboration with universities of the Volga Federal District from 2005 to 2025.

IntroductionThey shall grow not old, as we that are left grow old; Age shall not weary them, nor the years condemn. At the going down of the sun and in the morning We will remember them.Recited at many Anzac and Remembrance Day services, ‘The Ode’, an excerpt from a poem by Laurence Binyon, speaks of a timelessness within the inexorable march of time. When we memorialise those for whom time no longer matters, time stands still. Whether those who died in service of their country have finally “beaten time” or been forced to acknowledge that “their time on earth was up”, depends on your preference for clichés. Time and death are natural bedfellows. War memorials, be they physical or digital, declare a commitment to “remember them”. This article will compare and contrast the purpose of, and community response to, virtual and physical war memorials. It will examine whether virtual war memorials are a sign of the times – a natural response to the internet era. If, as Marshall McLuhan says, the medium is the message, what experiences do we gain and lose through online war memorials?Physical War MemorialsDuring and immediately after the First World War, physical war memorials were built in almost every city, town and village of the Allied countries involved in the war. They served many purposes. One of the roles of physical war memorials was to keep the impact of war at the centre of a town’s consciousness. In a regional centre like Bathurst, in New South Wales, the town appears to be built around the memorial – the court, council chambers, library, churches and pubs gather around the war memorials.Similarly, in small towns such as Bega, Picton and Kiama, war memorial arches form a gateway to the town centre. It is an architectural signal that you are entering a community that has known pain, death and immense loss. Time has passed, but the names of the men and women who served remain etched in stone: “lest we forget”.The names are listed in a democratic fashion: usually in alphabetical order without their rank. However, including all those who offered their service to “God, King and Country” (not just those who died) also had a more sinister and divisive effect. It reminded communities of those “eligibles” in their midst whom some regarded as “shirkers”, even if they were conscientious objectors or needed to stay and continue vital industries, like farming (Inglis & Phillips 186).Ken Inglis (97) estimated that every second Australian family was in mourning after the Great War. Jay Winter (Sites 2) goes further arguing that “almost every family” in the British Commonwealth was grieving, either for a relative; or for a friend, work colleague, neighbour or lover. Nations were traumatised. Physical war memorials provided a focal point for that universal grief. They signalled, through their prominence in the landscape or dominance of a hilltop, that it was acceptable to grieve. Mourners were encouraged to gather around the memorial in a public place, particularly on Anzac Day and Remembrance Day each year. Grief was seen, observed, respected.Such was the industrial carnage of the Western Front, that about one third of Australia and New Zealand’s fatal casualties were not brought home. Families lost a family member, body and soul, in the Great War. For those people who subscribed to a Victorian view of death, who needed a body to grieve over, the war memorial took on the role of a gravesite and became a place where people would place a sprig of wattle, poke a poppy into the crevice beside a name, or simply touch the letters etched or embossed in the stone (Winter, Experience 206). As Ken Inglis states: “the statue on its pedestal does stand for each dead man whose body, identified or missing, intact or dispersed, had not been returned” to his home town (11).Physical war memorials were also a place where women could forge new identities over time. Women accepted, or claimed their status as war widows, grieving mothers or bereft fiancés, while at the same time coming to terms with their loss. As Joy Damousi writes: “mourning of wartime loss involved a process of sustaining both a continuity with, and a detachment from, a lost soldier” (1). Thus, physical war memorials were transitional, liminal spaces.Jay Winter (Sites 85) believes that physical war memorials were places to both honour and mourn the dead, wounded, missing and shell-shocked. These dual functions of both esteeming and grieving those who served was reinforced at ceremonies, such as Anzac or Remembrance Day.As Joy Damousi (156) and Ken Inglis (457, 463) point out, war memorials in Australia are rarely sites of protest, either for war widows or veterans campaigning for a better pension, or peace activists who opposed militarism. When they are used in this way, it makes headlines in the news (Legge). They are seldom used to highlight the tragedy, inhumanity or futility of war. The exception to this, were the protests against the Vietnam War.The physical war memorials which mushroomed in Australian country towns and cities after the First World War captured and claimed those cataclysmic four years for the families and communities who were devastated by the war. They provided a place to both honour and mourn those who served, not just once, but for as long as the memorial remained. They were also a place of pilgrimage, particularly for families who did not have a grave to visit and a focal point for the annual rituals of remembrance.However, over the past 100 years, some unmaintained physical war memorials are beginning to look like untended graves. They have become obstacles rather than sentinels in the landscape. Laurence Aberhart’s haunting photographs show that memorials in places like Dorrigo in rural New South Wales “go largely unnoticed year-round, encroached on by street signage and suburbia” (Lakin 49). Have physical war memorials largely fulfilled their purpose and are they becoming obsolete? Perhaps they have been supplanted by the gathering space of the 21st century: the Internet.Digital War MemorialsThe centenary of the Great War heralded a mushrooming of virtual war memorials. Online First World War memorials focus on collecting and amassing information that commemorates individuals. They are able to include far more information than will fit on a physical war memorial. They encourage users to search the digitised records that are available on the site and create profiles of people who served. While they deal in records from the past, they are very much about the present: the user experience and their connection to their ancestors who served.The Imperial War Museum’s website Lives of the First World War asks users to “help us build the permanent digital memorial to all who contributed during the First World War”. This request deserves scrutiny. Firstly, “permanent” – is this possible in the digital age? When the head of Google, Vint Cerf, disclosed in 2015 that software programming wizards were still grappling with how to create digital formats that can be accessed in 10, 100 or a 1000 years’ time; and recommended that we print out our precious digital data and store it in hard copy or risk losing it forever; then it appears that online permanency is a mirage.Secondly, “all who contributed” – the website administrators informed me that “all” currently includes people who served with Canada and Britain but the intention is to include other Commonwealth nations. It seems that the former British Empire “owns” the First World War – non-allied, non-Commonwealth nations that contributed to the First World War will not be included. One hundred years on, have we really made peace with Germany and Turkey? The armistice has not yet spread to the digital war memorial. The Lives of the First world War website missed an opportunity to be leaders in online trans-national memorialisation.Discovering Anzacs, a website built by the National Archives of Australia and Archives New Zealand, is a little more subdued and honest, as visitors are invited to “enhance a profile dedicated to the wartime journey of someone who served”.Physical and online war memorials can work in tandem. In 2015, the Supreme Court of Victoria created a website that provides background information on the military service of the 159 members of the legal profession who are named on their Memorial board. This is an excellent example of a digital medium expanding on and reinvigorating a physical memorial.It is noteworthy that all of these online memorial websites commemorate those who served in the First World War, and sometimes the Boer or South African War. There is no space for remembering those who served or died in more recent wars like Afghanistan or Iraq. James Brown and others discuss how the cult of Anzac is overshadowing the service and sacrifices of the men and women who have been to more recent wars. The proximity of their service mitigates against its recognition – it is too close for comfortable, detached remembrance.Complementary But Not ExclusiveA comparison of their functions indicates that online memorials which focus on the First World War complement, but will never replace the role of physical war memorials. As discussed, physical war memorials were sites for grieving, pilgrimage and collectively honouring the men and women who served and died. Online websites which allow users to upload scanned documents and photographs; transcribe diary entries or letters; post tribute poems, songs or video clips; and provide links to other relevant records online are neither places of pilgrimage nor sites for grieving. They are about remembrance, not memory (Scates, “Finding” 221).Ken Inglis describes physical war memorials as “bearers of collective memory” (7). In a sense, online war memorials are keepers of individual, user-enhanced archival records. It can be argued that online memorials to the First World War tap into the desire for hero-worship, the boom in family history re

Given the recent trend toward the instrumentalization of memory of the Great Patriotic War (GPW) in Russian federal memory politics, this article examines regional features of this trend by assessing the transformations that occurred in the monumental GPW commemoration in the post-Soviet Murmansk region. The case study analyzes the process of creating war memorials dedicated to the Battle for Zapoliar’e, a Murmansk regional narrative of the Great Patriotic War, by observing new war memorials and activities of mnemonic actors initiating these memorials. The article sheds light on the vigorous commemorative activism pushed by a set of regional mnemonic actors who, although remaining loyal to the official patriotic state narrative of the Battle, tend to emphasize other aspects, particularly heroic or tragic, depending on their agendas. While veteran organizations and sometimes regional authorities promote the state-centric and triumphalist vision of the Battle, local poiskoviki activists, on the contrary, appeal to its tragic side, pointing out the importance of the personal remembrance of the fallen. The article concludes that, although the centralization and unification trends in Russian memory politics noticeably affect the regional domain, they are unlikely to fully explain the regional dynamics of developing the monumental media of war memory since such dynamics are set primarily by grassroots activists.

In the wake of the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, Soviet museum curators began to establish a museal depiction of the war. This article analyzes these early beginnings of Soviet war commemoration and the curtailing of its surprising heterogeneity in late Stalinism. Historical research has largely ignored the impact of Soviet museum workers (muzeishchiki) on the evolution of Russian war memory. Archival material from the Red Army Museum, now renamed the Central Museum of the Armed Forces, in Moscow and the Belarus Museum of the History of the Great Patriotic War in Minsk documents the unfolding of locally specific war exhibitions which stand in stark contrast to the later homogenized official Soviet war narrative. Yet war memory was not created unilaterally by the curators. Visitors also participated in its making, as the museum guestbooks demonstrate. As “sites of commemoration and learning,” early Soviet war exhibitions reveal the agency of the muzeishchiki and the involvement of the visitors in the “small events” of memory creation.

данная статья посвящена анализу взаимоотношений между историческими и литературными текстами в романе М.М. Степановой «Памяти памяти» в аспекте литературной критики Нового историзма. Рассматривается литературный подход М.М. Степановой к описанию семейной памяти и истории с точки зрения «текстуальности истории», «историчности текста» и «нелинейных микроисторий». Во-первых, основное внимание уделяется «текстуальности истории» в романе. В результате анализа выясняем, что в процессе прослеживания воспоминаний семьи героиня постепенно обнаруживает отклонения и неясности памяти и истории. Кроме того, в романе показывается подрыв официальной истории и текстовое воспроизведение истории с использованием женской семейной истории и ранее игнорируемой истории в качестве доминирующей роли в повествовании. Во-вторых, в статье анализируется «историчность текста». Роман обращается к таким историческим событиям, как русская революция 1905 года и Великая отечественная война и т.д. Кроме того, сам роман является продуктом истории, и в то же время реконструирует и дополняет историю, в романе раскрывается другая сторона истории, показаны ее многогранность и открытость, отражена «историчность текста». Роман становится другой версией «истории» России XX века. Наконец, в статье интерпретируются «микроистории» и «нелинейные истории» с точки зрения многих персонажей. В романе описаны жизни незаметных маленьких людей в контексте значительных исторических событий, освящены судьбы нескольких персонажей в рамках одного исторического события, тем самым разрушается монолитность официальной истории и выражается многообразие и относительность истории. Поэтому изучение «Памяти памяти» с точки зрения Нового историзма помогает глубже понять творчество М.М. Степановой, познать историческую правду, понять открытость и многогранность истории и памяти. this article is dedicated to analyzing the relationship between historical and literary texts in M. M. Stepanova’s novel In Memory of Memory from the perspective of New Historicism literary criticism. The literary approach of M. M. Stepanova to describing family memory and history is examined through the lenses of “textuality of history”, “historicity of text”, and "nonlinear microhistories". Firstly, the focus is on the “textuality of history” in the novel. The analysis reveals that as the heroine traces her family's memories, she gradually uncovers discrepancies and uncertainties in both memory and history. Furthermore, the novel illustrates the subversion of official history and the textual reproduction of history by using a female family history and previously overlooked history as the dominant narrative. Secondly, the article analyzes the “historicity of text”. The novel addresses historical events such as the Russian Revolution of 1905 and the Great Patriotic War, among others. Moreover, the novel itself is a product of history while simultaneously reconstructing and supplementing history, revealing another side of history, showing its multifaceted nature and openness, thereby reflecting the “historicity of text”. The novel becomes an alternative version of the “history” of 20th-century Russia. Finally, the article interprets “microhistories” and “nonlinear histories” through the perspectives of various characters. The novel describes the lives of insignificant, small people within the context of significant historical events, illuminating the fates of several characters within a single historical event, thereby disrupting the monolithic nature of official history and expressing the diversity and relativity of history. Therefore, studying In Memory of Memory from the perspective of New Historicism helps to gain a deeper understanding of M. M. Stepanova’s work, comprehend historical truth, and appreciate the openness and multifaceted nature of history and memory.

This article is devoted to the discourse analysis of the comments of regional news sites and public publications about the commemorations of the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945. Based on the application of the methodology of Siegfried Yeager's critical discourse analysis, the peculiarities of the perception of official memorials dedicated to the memory of the Great Patriotic War in the Internet space of the Tula and Tomsk regions were analyzed. The sources for the analysis were comments from users of social networks, Internet blogs and news sites of the two regions in the period 2015-2021, dedicated to Victory Day (May 9), the Immortal Regiment campaign, topical regional commemorations of the Great Patriotic War, as well as mentions of individual pages of family memory and events of war heroes. Despite the fact that sociological surveys of recent years show the preservation of the memory of the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945 as the most important historical event and ideological reference point in the mass historical consciousness, the study of the perception of war memorials on the Internet shows a further increase in the devaluation of historical meanings of the Russian memorial culture and the departure to particular versions of historical memory (family, local social group). The tendency of fragmentation and transformation of perception of the past in the regional Internet space was revealed. The analysis of a sample set of comments indicates the persistence of the trend of sacralization of war heroes, veterans and family memory of them in the mass consciousness, as well as attempts to contrast family commemorations of Victory Day and official events and actions of the authorities. In both areas, the fact of using the discussion of the May 9 commemorations and the "Immortal Regiment" campaign as a symbolic framework for criticizing the domestic and foreign policies of the current government was recorded. At the same time, most of the critical comments are situational in nature and are related to topical regional socio-economic problems.

The author explores how chronicle and memoirs, history and memory reconstruct the past, while simultaneously influencing each other, using the methodological division of commemorative resources. The empirical basis of the study is the data of surveys conducted by the scientific group of the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences in the fall of 2020 and spring of 2022. The sociological data help the author to clarify how today, in the postmemory era, the private and family memory of our compatriots responds to the state historical discourse and to what extent family history acts as a means of reconstructing the national past. With the growing interest of Russians in their own identity and their inclusion in digital communication, the popularity of genealogical projects is increasing, with the help of which not only family memory, but also national history, is reconstructed, and the perception of the past is changing. Information about family history is the most important source of information about national history. Emotionally and meaningfully rich stories from eyewitnesses increase the historical interest of their children and grandchildren. History as a resource of identity turns post-memory carriers — close relatives, civil society, and bureaucracy — into creators of memory, and therefore history makers. One of the most striking examples of genealogical mnemonic, which became possible due to the post-memorial commemoration, as well as the digitalization of archival information about the war period, is the Immortal Regiment project, which symbolically connects national history and family memory. With the help of digitized archival data and virtual genealogy projects, many Russians are successfully reconstructing family history, especially when unknown circumstances of family history are felt as a “premonition” of family memory. The “incompleteness” of stories of a significant part of Russian families, primarily about the 1930—1950 time period, gives rise to a demand for historical authenticity, but the perception of the past through the circumstances of the lives of relatives makes such perception less “white-or-black”, calling for a balanced and “understanding” assessment of history, whatever it may be.

Libraries are actively involved in the processes of achieving the goals of state cultural policy, especially their role increases in the period of information confrontation, distortion of historical truth in modern political conditions, in countering the rehabilitation of Nazism. The year 2025 marks the 80th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War of 1941—1945. The Russian State Library carefully preserves the memory of the heroes’ brave deeds, reveals the pages of military history, makes available objective sources about the Great Patriotic War, promotes the historical truth about the tragic events of wartime. The purpose of the article is to highlight the activities of the Russian State Library in this direction. Various projects of the Russian State Library are aimed at the formation of patriotism, a sense of pride in the history of Russia and understanding of the processes that are currently taking place during the special military operation.Events timed to the 80th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War are presented. On April 22—24, 2025 the International Research and Practical Conference “Rumyantsev Readings — 2025” was held, one of its key topics was “Libraries and Preservation of Historical Memory. To the 80th Anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War”. Within the framework of the conference a special session of libraries of the CIS countries “Pages of the Feat of Peoples” was organized. On May 14—15, 2025, the All-Russian Scientific and Practical Conference “Preserving Historical Memory of the Great Patriotic War: The Role of Libraries” was held. Other scientific events are also held: lectures, film screenings, etc.The following exhibition projects of the Russian State Library are presented in the form of an overview: “History of the Great Patriotic War in the Book Memory of Russia: To the 80th Anniversary of Victory”, “Territory of Memory and Glory of Women’s Feat”, “On the Way to the Great Victory: Legislation of the Great Patriotic War Period”, “Maps of Victory”, “Symbols of War and Victory: Visual Art Publications of the Great Patriotic War”, “Living Memory of Generations” and others.For the anniversary of the Great Victory the publishing house of the Russian State Library “Pashkov Dom” prepared and published the books: “Pages of Victory: Leninka in 1941—1945: Chronicle. Documents. Memories”, “Saur-Mogila: From Legend to Feat”, “The Songs Brought About by War and Victory: From the Collections of the Russian State Library”, the second edition of L.I. Fursenko’s index of literature “Publishing, Librarianship and Bibliography During the Great Patriotic War (1941—1945)” and others. A special section “Library of Victory” has been opened in the National Electronic Library, which contains collections of books, periodicals and documents about the Great Patriotic War.The various projects of the Russian State Library reveal rare archival and printed materials, give an opportunity to better understand and evaluate the contribution of our country’s citizens to the Victory, the scale and consequences of the war that changed the course of world history.