The historical phonology of Paunaka (Arawakan)

Fernando O De Carvalho

doi:10.1590/1981.81222018000200008

Abstract

Abstract This paper applies the comparative method to unravel the historical development of the segmental phonology of Paunaka, an Arawakan language of Bolivia. Although the Paunaka vowel system features a single back rounded vowel, it is rather simple to show that it derives from a system with two back rounded qualities *u and *o, but that the former segment shifted to a high central unrounded vowel ɨ. The language has lost *r unconditionally, implying that Paunaka items with r are probable loanwords. Paunaka underewent a spirantization of *ts, thus merging this affricate with the fricative *s. Although Paunaka shares a coronalization of *k > s with Proto-Mojeño, most of the phonological developments that affected Paunaka are either recurrent in the Arawakan language family or only superficially similar to developments in related languages, and thus provide little weight as evidence for subgrouping. An Appendix is also included, with 105 etymologies matching Paunaka lexical and grammatical morphemes with their cognates in Proto-Mojeño, the two extant Mojeño dialects (Ignaciano and Trinitario) and Terena.

Highlights

Paunaka (ISO 639-3: pnk) is a severely endangered Arawakan1 language spoken by less than ten individuals near Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia (Danielsen; Terhart, 2014)
This paper examines comparative evidence to throw further light on the historical development of Paunaka phonology while at the same time addressing issues of broader significance for Arawakan historical linguistics
It is straightforward to show that the unrounded vowel ɨ, which, in this language, contrasts with rounded u, is an unconditioned reflex of *u, while u derives from *o, tracing the Paunaka system to an inventory which, just like Proto-Mojeño and Terena, does contrast two back rounded vowels

Summary

Introduction

Paunaka (ISO 639-3: pnk) is a severely endangered Arawakan1 language spoken by less than ten individuals near Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Bolivia (Danielsen; Terhart, 2014). Both the cognates for each supporting set and the segments in each correspondence are here and elsewhere presented in the order Paunaka, Proto-Mojeño (PM), Terena.

Results

Conclusion