The Development ofAnd Stuffin Canadian English: A Longitudinal Study of Apparent Grammaticalization

Abstract

This paper examines the development of and stuff, a general extender (GE), in Canadian English in longitudinal perspective. Previous research (Cheshire 2007; Tagliamonte & Denis 2010; Pichler & Levey 2011) finds suggestive evidence that and stuff and other GEs have undergone grammaticalization over their development. However, when viewed in apparent time, there is little evidence of ongoing grammaticalization; rather only vestiges of apparent previous grammaticalization remain. This paper takes up Pichler and Levey’s (2011) call for an appropriate real-time benchmark of comparison to enable a more thorough understanding of the historical development of these features. A collection of oral histories recorded in the 1970s and 1980s with elderly residents of three communities in southern Ontario, Canada, is used as a proxy for comparison to Tagliamonte and Denis’s (2010) analysis of the Toronto English Archive. By tracking the development of and stuff over more than a century of apparent time, this paper finds three changes in progress: (1) a lexical replacement such that and stuff becomes the majority variant in the variable system; (2) a morphological clipping process such that longer GEs such as and stuff like that lose the comparative element like that; and (3) the semantic bleaching of the set-marking meaning of and stuff. While this last change is a necessary part of grammaticalization, in the absence of phonetic reduction, decategorialization, and pragmatic shift, it is not sufficient evidence according to grammaticalization theory (e.g., Heine 2003; Traugott 2003; Diewald 2010).