The Development of Latin -gn- in Southern Italy

Abstract

In southern Italy the group -gnshows a labial development which has generally been treated either as the result of the epenthesis of the velar vowel u or as the vocalization of the g. But in all cases this labialization has been considered characteristic of some southern dialects as opposed to a palatal treatment in others, and not as an extensive change which once covered all southern Italy and has given way later to a northern development in many cases but remains sufficiently widespread to indicate a general treatment which was not confined to single dialects. Previous conceptions of the situation in southern Italy can be summarized as follows. Meyer-Liibke' says that a velar vowel replaces g in southeastern Italy and that in Campobasso the g of -gnbecomes a spirant. Bertoni2 says that in the extreme south of Italy -gnbecomes un, elsewhere (Apulia, northern Calabria, Abruzzi, and Naples) jn. The intermediate stages are: -gunand -gin-, thus *agunu *avunu *a(v)unu aunu and *aginu *ajinu ajno. Merlo3 writes that as in Abruzzi and Apulia so in Naples and Calabria there exist only two developments for Lat. -gn-: -jnand -yn-, which, he believes, are the result of a very ancient epenthesis of i in the one case, u in the other. Similar explanations have been given for -gr-.4 M. Bartoli first pointed out that a labial treatment of -gnwas very extensive in southern Italy and is to be connected with the Balkan treatment. 'La Scuola vecchia crede che il b sardo di battoro abbia un' origine indipendente da quella del p rumeno di patru, e che anche tra i riflessi labiali di -gnnell' Italia meridionale (pugl. cal. dunu, liun -a, pugl. livana, cal. dmunu: agnus, lignum e quelli del Balcano interceda una concordanza illusoria.'5 Previously, in Das Dal-