The Case of Iranian Cultural Diplomacy in Syria

<p>Power in international relations can be defined in several different ways. Power can be understood as a goal of states or leaders involving a measure of influence or control over outcomes, events, actors and issues; achieving victory in conflict and the attainment of security; control over resources and capabilities; or status, which some states or actors possess and other do not. Modern discourse in international relations generally speaks in terms of state power, indicating both economic and military power. The capabilities to handle those above functions are different from state to state and can be measured in different ways as well as with respect to different dimensions, among which “hard” and “soft” power can be taken into consideration. In the policy-making process of any states, hard power and soft power strategies are rarely separated but they are, in fact, closely related. The relationship between hard power and soft power has become an increasingly popular topic both inside and outside the USA in considering how to strengthen its status in the world arena, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region. American politicians, businessmen and scholars have constantly stressed the need and the opportunities of using soft power instead of hard power to manage the USA’s international relations, especially in this important region. The policy of the U.S. government towards this region is reflected through its strategic rebalance towards the Asia-Pacific region, which was announced by the Obama Administration in 2010. Since it came into being, this strategy has been described by several names including “return”, “pivot” or “rebalancing to Asia”. Although the strategy may be referred to by different names, it aims at describing the new prioritization in the foreign and national security policy of the United States. In order to examine the importance of both “hard” and “soft” power in international relations, American soft power and the implementation of its soft power in the “rebalancing” strategy, four research questions come to mind. They are: 1. What are the definitions soft power and hard power in international relations? 2. How does the US make use of both hard and soft power in building its capabilities and position in the region of Asia-Pacific? 3. What are the US’s intentions in its announced shift in focus to the Asia-Pacific region? 4. What are the regional responses to the US’ policy including by Vietnam? 5. What ensures the future success of the rebalance in the region? Due to the US’s growing emphasis on the use of soft power, the research will focus specifically on two questions; what are the soft power strategies of the US in this region; and what are Vietnam’s attitudes towards these strategies. If one can distinguish soft power elements in this policy shift, it is still important to consider the role of hard power elements and what larger regional role the US will play if its policy shift is successful. The focus of the research is on US actions and will exclude the effects of the policy on domestic policies in the Asia-Pacific, with the exception of briefly summarizing the changing stance of regional countries, thereby, showing the effects of American soft power on the region and on the US itself. Before examining the research questions, a theoretical framework will be provided in the first section of this paper discussing the content of hard power and soft power as described by several political analysts and theorists. This aims at giving an idea of the numerous definitions attached to hard and soft power as well as to lay out the analytical tools for the third section in which the “pivot” in the US’s Asia-Pacific policy will be examined. In the next section, regional attitudes towards the US’ “rebalancing” strategy, especially Vietnam’s, will be surveyed. The thesis will conclude with a discussion on whether these strategies are in line with the US’s use of soft power with their policies in other parts of the world and why the use of soft power, which can help to ensure the successes of this policy direction, does not yet seem to have received adequate attention. The significance of the study will be to enhance understanding of the role of hard and soft power in building the US’s status in the world arena, especially in realizing its “return to Asia” strategy. Moreover, this study may interest those whose work is closely related to the US and its policies, especially in the Asia-Pacific region, enabling them to have more understanding, which they can use to initiate appropriate strategies in their work. It is obvious from the broad audiences above that a census is not feasible for this study. Accordingly, the research approach includes informal interviews in which a sample from the target population of interested parties is used for the study. In total, a sample of 20 was selected. First, the target population was divided into political leadership, governmental officials and other relevant peoples in the Asia-Pacific region. Then they were grouped into those who are experienced, non-experienced and little experienced in working with the US. This ensured a fair representation of each group since their understanding and experiences are significantly different. The focus of the study is on personal attitudes and perceptions and the importance of primary data cannot be over-emphasized. Before the collection of actual data, the researcher sent introductory letters from the Vietnam Union of Friendship Organizations to the sampled offices and institutions. The initial visit to the selected offices and institutions was therefore to introduce the researcher, obtain familiarity with those offices and institutions as well as seek their consent for the study. The researcher collected data by administering a questionnaire. The questionnaire used open questions, consisting of five questions seeking to answer research questions related to soft power and the U.S. rebalance to the Asia-Pacific. The results of the study should provide interested parties with a panorama of the US’s “return to Asia” strategy, its contributions to development in relations between the US and the region’s countries and Vietnam’s responses to it with specific respect to its soft power elements. In particular, the insights yielded by the study into the role of soft power should tell much about the likely success of this policy and its implications for those in the region who interact with the US. Although this research was carefully prepared, it still has some limitations. First, the research was conducted in such a short time that it was not possible for the researcher to read all the materials related to the topic. Therefore, the thesis cannot reflect all aspects of the issue. Second, the population of the sample population was small, only 20. In addition, since the researcher conducted the interviews herself, it is unavoidable that a certain degree of subjectivity can be found in this study.</p>

The article explores the formation of a positive international image of states as an element of political and legal strategy in the context of global competition and transformations in the international information environment. A comparative analysis of soft power tools used by countries in the states in three key regions of the world: Asia-Pacific Region (APR), the European Union (EU), and the Middle East to construct a positive international image, enhance national influence, and legitimize political and legal narratives on the global stage was conducted. Particular attention is given to instruments such as cultural diplomacy, international broadcasting, educational exchange programs, digital presence, legal rhetoric in international forums, and humanitarian initiatives. The comparative approach reveals the regional specifics of soft power models: the EU’s value-driven approach, the pragmatic influence policies of APR countries (particularly China, Japan, and South Korea), and the hybrid model of Middle Eastern states combining religious, media, and economic levers. Attention is drawn to the challenges and limitations in the use of soft power as part of a legal strategy, including narrative competition, information wars, crises of trust in state actors, and ethical dilemmas. Examples of successful practices (South Korea, Japan, France, UAE) are analyzed and conclusions are drawn regarding the prospects for the use of soft power as a tool of influence in a global context. The final part of the article provides practical recommendations for Ukraine on the adaptation of successful models. The study concludes that the effective construction of a state’s image requires a systematic combination of political, legal, and informational tools within a coherent public diplomacy strategy.

This research analyzes the soft power and cultural diplomacy of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Over the years, the Kingdom has been using its cultural diplomacy as an instrument of foreign policy for the promotion of its soft power at regional and global level. The analysis suggest the use of soft power and cultural diplomacy are part of Kingdom’s foreign policy, bringing a wider gesture of aptness and goodwill. In this sense, the study of cultural diplomacy allows the understanding of new concepts and ideas of international insertion, with the participation of higher education institutions, research centers, government agencies and non-governmental organizations. King Abdullah has pioneered this initiative of soft power projection of the Kingdom through cultural diplomacy. The study revolves around the era of King Abdullah (2005-2015) while significant reinforcement of this policy is undertaken by King Salman and Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman (MBS).

This paper describes the main factors that helped facilitate the transformation of Kuwait from an Emirate ‘Emarah’ (a non‐state) to an internationally recognised state during the rule of Sheikh Abdullah Al‐Salem from 1950 to 1965. It identifies the soft power actions and public relations communication strategies that facilitated the transformation of Kuwait from Sheikhdom to statehood. Sheikh Al‐Salem's strategies set the foundations for Kuwait to become recognised and respected in international affairs, not only in the Middle East but also globally. Data were collected and reviewed from the academic literature, from public records, legal documents, letters, press releases and newspaper and magazine articles as well as songs and TV interviews. The evidence shows that Sheikh Al‐Salem's use of soft power actions and public relations techniques were influential in facilitating the formation of the new state and made Kuwait an important player in the international arena while maintaining Arab nationalism and Islamic values.

India's use of soft power and cultural diplomacy has significantly influenced Malaysia, reflecting a strategic approach to strengthening bilateral relations and promoting cultural affinity. This abstract explores the mechanisms and impacts of India's soft power in Malaysia, focusing on cultural, educational and economic dimensions.India leverages its rich cultural heritage, including films, music, dance, cuisine, yoga, and festivals to build a positive image and foster a sense of cultural kinship with Malaysia. The Indian diaspora in Malaysia is one among the largest population outside India, plays a crucial role in sustaining and propagating Indian culture. Cultural festivals such as Diwali, Pongal andThaipoosam celebrated widely in Malaysia, serve as platforms for cultural exchange and mutual appreciation. This research paper focuses on few research enquires like how India's soft power and cultural diplomacy have successfully created a favorable and conducive environment for bilateral cooperation, promoting cultural understanding, and strengthening socio-economic ties between India and Malaysia. Further it explores the hidden soft power effect by which the strategic use of cultural assets and educational initiatives continues to shape a positive narrative and enhance India's influence in the region.

This study aims to examine the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), a prominent international organization representing Muslim-majority states, and its utilization of soft power tools to advance its objectives and influence global affairs. The authors use soft power as a theoretical framework throughout the research. The principal aim of the study is to analyze how the OIC leverages various soft power instruments, including diplomacy, cultural exchange, development assistance, and interfaith dialogue, to promote its agenda on issues like human rights, peacebuilding, and economic cooperation. This research employs a qualitative approach, utilizing content analysis of official OIC documents, speeches, and resolutions, alongside academic literature and secondary sources. This journal article reveals the specific soft power tools employed by the OIC and their relative effectiveness, the challenges and limitations faced by the OIC in utilizing soft power as well as the impact of the OIC's soft power efforts on international relations and global issues relevant to Muslim-majority states. It contributes to a deeper understanding of the OIC's role in international relations and its strategic use of soft power. It also provides valuable insights for scholars, policymakers, and practitioners interested in Muslim-majority states' engagement with the global community and the dynamics of soft power in the contemporary world.

Globalization and the changing balance of power in the world have led to changes in international politics and the emergence of new forms of diplomatic activity. In their foreign policy, states increasingly attach importance to the public opinion of citizens of other countries, as well as forms of communication and interaction that these societies establish with each other. The new understanding of diplomacy now attaches more importance to soft power, culture and civil society, building a national brand. Policies and ways of using soft power are implemented primarily through cultural diplomacy, which is based on finding commonalities between different cultures. This article discusses the concept of soft power which is an important issue in modern theory of international relations. The concept of soft power which expresses another dimension of power is a type of power that is more difficult to define, express, measure, and evaluate. Today, it can be argued that the use of soft power is the most common method used by international actors which is changing with the international structure and the development of conditions in this direction. In this context the article examines the soft power of the Republic of Turkey, its role in foreign policy, and ways of implementing it. The authors focus separately on the cultural and educational aspects of Turkey’s formation of its identity in the world, the directions of its public diplomacy, and the role of individual institutions and state bodies in this process. After the end of the Cold War, Turkey underwent several stages of political transformation and changes in the ideological concepts of its foreign policy. Guided by the ideas of Pan-Turkism and the need for economic development, in the last decade of the 2000s TR increased its presence in the region, especially in Turkic-speaking countries. Cultural expansion becomes a model of the use of soft power, creates the national image of the country, but does not give the desired results. It is argued that the concept of soft power has played a greater role in Turkey’s foreign policy since The Justice and Development Party came to power and has become a new dimension of its foreign policy strategy.

Current instability in the world emphasizes the importance of using soft power tools to promote state interests in other regions of the world. A key example in this regard is China's soft power strategy, supported by the appropriate communication strategy tools. The aim of this paper is to identify China's strategy in using various communication tools, including cultural exchanges, media projects, and educational programs to strengthen its soft power and influence in the East Asian region. Paper provides an analysis of China's strategic use of the concept of soft power to expand its influence on the international arena, with an emphasis on the East Asian region. The paper analyzez how China abandoning traditional methods of direct coercion (military force, economic sanctions), focuses on engagement and cooperation through cultural appeal, economic initiatives, and diffusion of values. It is determined that for the region of East Asia, the central element of this strategy is the Belt and Road Initiative, which is aimed at deepening economic integration and cultural exchange, which is supported by measures in the fields of education, science, technology, as well as active participation in international organizations. The importance of information policy and media space in shaping global opinion and a positive image of China is emphasized, including the expansion of media space abroad through platforms such as CGTN and Xinhua. In addition, the use of social media and digital platforms to promote Chinese views and values plays a key role in the soft power strategy. The effectiveness of China's soft power in building sustainable international partnerships and strengthening its position in the region is highlighted, paying attention to the challenges and prospects of such an approach. China's efforts to develop infrastructure, promote cultural exchange and economic interaction with countries in the region are analyzed, emphasizing the strategic importance of soft power to ensure China's long-term global influence. The proposed paper may be useful for researchers, analysts in the field of diplomacy in East Asia, state and local authorities. Future research is planned to focus on the study of China's communication strategy in the context of the use of soft power, analyzing the possible bans of Chinese social networks in the leading countries of the world considering the situation with the potential ban of TikTok in the US. Keywords: Soft Power; Communication Strategy; China; East Asia; Economic Diplomacy

The domestic policy of the Republic of Azerbaijan is based on the use of soft power. On the basis of this policy, the promotion and promotion of spiritual and cultural values is carried out as its special direction. Cultural diplomacy, the main instrument of soft power politics, characterized as a form of cultural struggle, is the basis of the ethics of peaceful coexistence. The only way to avoid controlled conflicts and wars is to expand the influence of cultural and spiritual values as a tool of "soft power" in diplomacy. The Azerbaijani government knows that the most powerful technologies and weapons of the 21st century are helpless before the influence created through cultural diplomacy, and carry out extensive activities to preserve, popularize and promote the national and spiritual values of our people.

The current nadir of American influence in the Middle East has historical roots going back to the eighteenth century. Yet the present catastrophic situation is greatly exacerbated by civic stasis in Washington. Understanding what has gone wrong is basic to our future security. The goal of regional domination needs to be replaced with more modest objectives of strategic influence based on a consistent democratic ideology, the deft use of soft power including trade, education, and cultural exchanges, and a massive increase in people-to-people friendship programs on the “Sister Cities” model. Military options should be based on principled alliances growing out of US strategic objectives rather than activated by narrow interests of domestic voting blocs.

Türkiye has grabbed the world’s attention in the last three decades for its strategic use of soft power as an instrument of cultural diplomacy. Buoyed by relative economic success in the post-Cold War period, the new ruling elites of Türkiye used Islamic practices and value-system, particularly its Ottoman past, as tools of the soft power in cultural diplomacy. Turkish dizis (television series), particularly those based on historical figures, have played a critical role in the nation branding exercise of Türkiye. These dizis have not only created a soft spot for the country, and boosted its tourism, but it also helped the government, particularly President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan project himself as a leader with potentials to lead the Muslim world or Ummah. This article assesses the role of Turkish dizis as a soft power instrument in cultural diplomacy and the nation branding of Türkiye. Interestingly, Turkish dizis were primarily produced for domestic consumption, and were not necessarily targeting foreign audience, at least in the beginning. Thus, they perform the dual function of molding public opinion within the country, while also helping create a positive image about Türkiye and its past among the foreign audience. But nostalgia of the past alone is not sufficient, if not complemented by reciprocal actions on the ground.

Cultural diplomacy plays a pivotal role in international relations, enabling states to project their soft power and shape their global image. This paper explores the current state of Moroccan cultural diplomacy, highlighting the need to go beyond official approaches and embrace unofficial cultural diplomacy. While extensive research exists on official cultural diplomacy, little attention has been given to the contribution of Moroccan study-abroad students in bolstering their country's cultural diplomacy and soft power. More specifically, this paper argues that Morocco's cultural diplomacy is primarily politically oriented and institutionally based, relying heavily on the monarchy and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The strategic utilization of Morocco's cultural and religious heritage and diaspora politics showcases the government's efforts to secure its regional and global influence. However, these initiatives are largely driven by official institutions and lack the involvement of ordinary citizens. By examining the limitations of official cultural diplomacy, this paper argues for the inclusion of Moroccan study-abroad students as unofficial ambassadors in the service of their country’s cultural diplomacy. Drawing inspiration from successful examples of unofficial diplomacy, this paper advocates for the active participation of Moroccan study-abroad students as unofficial cultural ambassadors. Their unique perspectives, connections, and grassroots status can offer valuable contributions that official diplomats may not possess. This research paper contends that Moroccan study-abroad students have many resources of power that qualify them to leverage their country’s cultural diplomacy. These resources are informality and grassroots engagement, volunteering and community service, and the power of the virtual sphere. By utilizing these power resources, these students have the potential to foster cross-cultural understanding, build relationships, and enhance Morocco's soft power. In conclusion, this paper highlights the need for a paradigm shift in Morocco's cultural diplomacy, advocating for a combination of both official and unofficial cultural diplomacies.

Reviewed by: Americans All: Good Neighbor Cultural Diplomacy in World War II by Darlene J. Sadlier Monica Rankin (bio) Americans All: Good Neighbor Cultural Diplomacy in World War II. By Darlene J. Sadlier. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2012. Pp. 251. $55.00 cloth) The notions of soft power and cultural diplomacy have steadily attracted the attention of policymakers and diplomatic scholars over the past two decades. Although intellectual discussions of a more amiable approach to foreign policy are a relatively recent phenomenon, the growing body of scholarly literature demonstrates that such policy initiatives have many important historical precedents. Darlene J. Sadlier’s Americans All: Good Neighbor Cultural Diplomacy in World War II takes the reader to a time when the use of soft power was a favored diplomatic tool. Nelson Rockefeller’s Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (CIAA) operated exclusively in Latin America during the war years in an effort to foster unity and to safeguard security in the Western Hemisphere. As such, the agency offers a rare case study for scholars of foreign relations. Even during the era of the Good Neighbor Policy, the CIAA played a singular role in U.S. diplomacy. No such U.S. government agency existed before or since, and there was no other area of the world with such an all-encompassing U.S. bureau devoted to overseeing diplomatic issues. Sadlier argues that the CIAA offers a unique example of the U.S. government incorporating culture into its diplomatic strategies in meaningful ways. Sadlier lays out the concept of the “culture industry” as a framework for understanding the creation and operations of the CIAA (pp. 7–8). Borrowing from Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno’s Dialectic of Enlightenment, Sadlier considers various forms of culture production—namely film, radio, and print media—as standardized and formulaic expressions produced within a system of partnership between big business and big government. The State Department [End Page 145] Division of Cultural Relations, established by President Franklin Roosevelt in 1938, served as a bridge between the privately led and philanthropic cultural-diplomacy initiatives of the early twentieth century and the more institutional government-led efforts that came to define the Cold War. That incipient attempt at promoting soft power reflected FDR’s commitment to cultural diplomacy and served as a springboard to the larger and more comprehensive Latin American program that emerged under the CIAA during the war. Sadlier seems to rely closely on the structures delineated in Dialectic of Enlightenment, as she organizes the chapters of Americans All according to the types of cultural expressions showcased by the study. Chapters on the CIAA divisions of motion pictures, radio, and press and publications are followed by a chapter devoted to museums, libraries, and the U.S. home front. This organizational structure serves her well since it represents some of the most important administrative divisions within the CIAA and it allows her to carry out a cultural analysis of various types of media messages in a systematic way. Relying largely on CIAA archival records, Sadlier demonstrates that film, radio, and print media became an instrumental part of the agency’s strategy to portray the United States in a way that would appeal to Latin Americans and to teach people in the United States about their neighbors to the south. She examines U.S. and Latin American–produced radio programs, CIAA generated news stories that appeared in Latin American newspapers, and special publications such as CIAA newsletters and En Guardia—the war magazine created specifically for a Latin American reading audience. Sadlier also describes various initiatives involving collaboration between artists, museums, libraries, and other cultural institutions throughout the hemisphere. Throughout the brief existence of the agency, CIAA representatives carried out extensive audience-reception surveys and often modified their approach to sharing wartime information based on the results of those studies. Despite some instances of cultural misunderstanding, Sadlier concludes that the cultural initiatives of the CIAA were generally [End Page 146] effective and helped to shape the way U.S. leaders and the U.S. public viewed Latin America. She credits improved relations in the hemisphere to the investment of the agency in culture, and she refers to...

Since its reunification, Germany has struggled with the dilemma of power. Many of Germany’s European allies feared the possibility of a resurgently powerful German nation that would revert to power politics and endanger the established European order. Such worries were prevalent even among many Germans who, still struggling with their past, weren’t sure that they could trust themselves with the use of power. Yet Germany, just as any other country, had foreign policy objectives and global responsibilities that sometimes required the use of power to achieve. This article examines how Germany responded to this dilemma and how the use of both hard and soft power have evolved in German foreign policy since reunification. It demonstrates that at first Germany relied almost exclusively on the use of soft power. As Germany established trust among its allies, the international community, and its own citizens, it gradually began to increase its use of hard power and to take on greater international responsibilities. Today Germany uses a mixture of soft and hard power – what Richard Armitage and Joseph Nye have dubbed smart power – to meet its foreign policy goals and to fulfill its international responsibilities.

Social media has become a game changer fundamentally in the way that it connects citizens, governments, and their ideas and voices across geographical divides. The policy process today requires decision making, feedback mechanisms, and quality input to be successful. Thus, social media presents itself as a quality instrument for incorporating a multitude of ideas, opinions, and voices for different stages of policy processes. This means that citizen engagement, which is crucial in policy making becomes easier via social media. However, social media also presents new challenges for soft power. The fast-paced nature of social media means that misinformation and fake news can quickly spread, which can undermine efforts to build relationships and promote understanding between countries. In addition, some countries use social media to spread propaganda, fake news, and extremist ideologies, which can also damage their soft power. This study examines the impact of the use of soft power in social media on public diplomacy for international co-existence in the context of the Middle East and Africa. The alternate methods of soft power include information and gathering data. For instance, social media is a great source of data and gathering information. Countries can achieve their objectives by attracting and persuading others to adopt their values and interests, rather than through coercion or force. Soft power is the ability to influence others through attraction and persuasion, rather than through threats or payment. The proliferation of social media such as YouTube, Facebook, and Twitter present powerful and new communication tools that are capable of influencing policy decisions by channelizing the political opinions of the masses. The upstart of social media and its engagement with the masses have influenced policy as well as politics which can be demonstrated in the Middle East. The Middle East, for instance, has been rife with regimes that have taken advantage of the region’s cultural, linguistic, and religious connections to shape the political environment. In addition, social media has also given voice to previously marginalized groups, particularly youth, women, and minorities, who have used these platforms to advocate for their rights and amplify their voices. This has created new opportunities for public diplomacy, as governments and civil society organizations can engage with these groups and build relationships with them. This study aims to look at the relationship between social media and public diplomacy and identify opportunities and challenges social media networks pose for international coexistence in the context of past and present events from the perspective of both policymakers and scholars. Furthermore, the public diplomacy process and the use of social media as a soft power have been analyzed through a framework and discussed further for a better understanding of the variables. involved.