Abstract

On January 31, 1865, Congress passed Thirteenth Amendment Constitution, measure abolish slavery. The next day, New York Times declared America is hereafter be, what it has never been hitherto, thoroughly democratic--resting on human rights as its basis.(1) Similar reactions followed in other leading Northern newspapers and even Baltimore Sun, published in border state and usually mute on subject of slavery, commented that, following vote on amendment, a decidedly uproarious state of things ensued in Congress with much applauding and cheering.(2) By end of year, amendment had been ratified by states, Civil War was over, and daunting task of uniting nation split along sectional and racial lines began.Over next five years, Congress, in an attempt assure that African Americans would enjoy full privileges of American citizenship, passed two more amendments.(3) The Fourteenth, ratified by states in 1868, guaranteed citizenship and equality before law for blacks; and Fifteenth, ratified in 1870, established that voting rights could not be denied because of race or skin color. These amendments were enforced and extended by Civil Rights Acts passed in 1866, 1870, 1871, and 1875.(4) Although these amendments and acts were largely work of few congressional Republicans, they fueled optimism among many African Americans that they would indeed soon enjoy liberty and equality long denied.Instead, last quarter of nineteenth century became what historian Rayford Logan terms the nadir for black Americans.(5) The legalized segregation of blacks and whites, increasing influence of Social Darwinism on Northern leaders, and rise of Booker T. Washington as leading spokesman for his race combined with other social and cultural forces eliminate most of rights and privileges in post-war civil rights legislation, in effect institutionalizing racial inequality in America.(6) This article examines response of black press these developments.(7)Most research on black press in late nineteenth century has been largely descriptive, focusing on great or economic difficulties such editors encountered.(8) Martin E. Dann, however, identified two predominant themes in this era's black press: response white racism and an assertion of self-determination. Dann said black press, by stressing self-respect and racial pride, provided one of most potent arenas in which battle for self-definition could be fought and won.(9)Frankie Hutton and Rodger Streitmatter have made similar arguments; Hutton said that late nineteenth-century black editors continued mission, begun by antebellum editors, to uplift and vindicate people of color in true spirit of American democracy.(10) Further, 1880s and 1890s were marked by large increase in number of black newspapers, many of which were published by editors considered spokesmen for African Americans.(11)In this environment, many historians have argued, black press was increasingly important in shaping and reflecting values and attitudes of African Americans.(12) Therefore, in an attempt better understand historical legacy of American race relations, this research analyzed twelve black newspapers' coverage of two Supreme Court decisions during nadir: Civil Rights Cases in 1883, which denied federal protection against private discrimination in public accommodations, and Plessy v. Ferguson in 1896, which instituted separate but equal doctrine of race relations.(13)Research was guided primarily by question of whether these newspapers reflected shift from optimism in 1883 discouragement by 1896 over state of race relations. More specific questions asked: Did these newspapers counsel African Americans have patience despite Supreme Court rulings? …

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