Abstract

There is a robust debate on different linguistic levels of quantifier ambiguity resolution. Many accounts of the quantifier ambiguity are extensively examined in Turkish by semantic-prosodic and syntactic-semantic levels in previous studies. In this study, we aimed to investigate the prosodic and syntactic processes of the universal quantifier (her (‘every’) and existential quantifier bir (‘a/an’)) by using an on-line picture matching experiment with 75 young adults and native speakers of Turkish. Our stimuli consisted of 120 sentences (30×4) for each of the conditions with order (her–bir (‘every–a/an’) vs. bir–her ‘a/an–every’) × focus (subject position vs. object position), respectively. In each trial, participants were asked to listen to the auditory stimuli and to judge sentences they heard. Our findings showed that the focused existential quantifier bir (‘a/an’) assigned wider scope than the universal quantifier her (‘every’) for the judgment task rates. This finding suggested that participants preferred the collective reading both for the focused universal quantifier her (‘every’) and focused existential quantifier bir (‘a/an’). For reaction times (RTs), participants favored distributive reading since the reaction times were faster in distributive reading than collective reading. This study supported the previous claims that syntactic processing has an initial role in disambiguation between collective and distributive readings.

Highlights

  • The inverse scope reading in (1a) is available in only certain constructions with the accusative case marking indefinite direct objects that are ambiguous between a wide scope reading and a narrow scope reading

  • These results show that collective interpretations of the sentences with a(n)-every order were more acceptable than distributive interpretations (96.38% for focused universal quantifiers and 96.11% for focused existential quantifiers)

  • Our study investigated the disambiguation processes for the existential quantifier bir ‘a/an’ and the universal quantifier her ‘every’ in terms of their syntactic and prosodic features in Turkish sentences

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Summary

Introduction

It has been widely discussed how the resolution of universal ( ) and existential ( ) quantifier ambiguities can occur among languages both syntactically and semantically. The inverse scope reading in (1a) is available in only certain constructions with the accusative case marking indefinite direct objects that are ambiguous between a wide scope reading and a narrow scope reading (Aygen-Tosun, 2007; Enç, 1991; Kelepir, 2001; Kural, 1992). In (2), where the indefinite subject bir kız ‘a girl’ precedes the universal quantifier object her filmi ‘every movie,’ the only possible reading seems to be the wide scope reading (Göksel, 1998). Based on such examples, Göksel (1998) claimed that linearity plays a role in the scope of quantifiers in Turkish

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