Abstract

Multiple studies reveal pre-1492 anthropogenic impacts on Caribbean fisheries that are consistent with overfishing, including changes in targeted prey, shifts in marine habitats exploited, and decreases in the average body size of taxa. At the Indigenous Caribbean village of Sabazan (AD 400–1400) on Carriacou, Lesser Antilles, post-AD 800 declines in fishing, increased mollusk collection, and changes in resource patch emphasis accord with the archaeological correlates of resource depression predicted by foraging theory models from behavioral ecology. Here, I apply foraging theory logic and abundance indices incorporating body size and fish habitat to test the predictions of expanded diet breadth, declining prey body size, and shifts to more distant fishing patches that are typically associated with overfishing. Results uphold a significant decrease in overall fishing, which may be due to habitat change associated with the Medieval Warm Period. Indices of fish size and resource patch use do not meet foraging theory expectations for resource depression, however. Instead, they suggest an absence of resource depression in the Sabazan fishery and at least 600 years of sustainable fishing. I review similar findings for other Caribbean archaeological sites with either negative evidence for fisheries’ declines or quantitatively demonstrated sustainable fishing. These sites collectively serve as a critical reminder of the heterogeneous trajectories of Indigenous social–ecological systems in the pre-contact Caribbean and the need for meta-level analyses of the region’s ancient fisheries. I discuss the application of the sustainability concept in archaeological studies of fishing and conclude that a more critical, explicit approach to defining and measuring sustainability in ancient fisheries is needed.

Highlights

  • There is no evidence for resource depression, and marine foraging can be considered sustainable in the sense that human exploitation of fish does not appear to have affected the capacity of these taxa to persist through time

  • These findings contribute to a growing body of evidence for sustainable resource use by Indigenous Caribbean peoples

  • In defiance of evidence for overfishing from other islands in the region, these cases of sustainability demonstrate the heterogeneous trajectories of social–ecological systems in the pre-contact Caribbean

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Summary

Introduction

More than a decade ago, Baisre [8] challenged mounting archaeological evidence that Indigenous peoples diminished marine fisheries across the pre-contact Caribbean. He called into question the methodology of studies supporting this conclusion and argued their findings ignored ecological, social, and cultural factors constraining the technological capacity of pre-contact Indigenous peoples to exploit marine species. 500 BC when Arawak-speaking peoples move from the Lower Orinoco Basin of South America into Puerto Rico and the northern Lesser Antilles, expanding across the region over the ensuing two millennia The Ceramic Age begins ca. 500 BC when Arawak-speaking peoples move from the Lower Orinoco Basin of South America into Puerto Rico and the northern Lesser Antilles, expanding across the region over the ensuing two millennia

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