Abstract

Despite the increasing interest of the Sustainable Livelihood Framework in the field of international development and in academia and the recent call for the use of mixed-methods approach, there has been little analysis that brings together qualitative and quantitative methods over a large geographical extent. Based on findings from participatory rural appraisals during which participants identified the key assets needed to achieve their livelihoods, this paper argues that common-pool resources (community capitals) should be differentiated from private goods (household capitals) as they operate under different dynamics of decision-making and management. We then create quantitative indicators that can be mapped across a large geographical extent by using data derived from national census and satellite sensors. Spatial patterns and differentials in access to livelihood capitals across the case study are examined and the associations that exist between household capitals, between community capitals, and between both are quantified. The results demonstrate that household physical capital is positively associated with household financial and social capitals but negatively associated with household natural capital, supporting the hypothesis that households trade their natural assets to cope with shocks. It is also shown that proximity to main axes of communication increases access to village amenities but decreases access to natural resources, while remoteness increases household human capital but decreases household physical and financial capitals. Such a cross-scale study adds to the understanding of the question of scale regarding rural livelihoods and community development, which could act as a bridge between the implementation of policy programmes (often targeted at the community level) and their expected outcomes (often targeted at the household level).

Highlights

  • Livelihood opportunities available to rural households in low and middle income countries 3 are highly dependent on their access to capitals both at the household and community levels, 4 which contributes to their resilience to social, economic and environmental stresses (Chambers 5 & Conway, 1991; Ellis, 2000)

  • Autocorrelation analysis showed that all livelihood capitals at both community and household levels, except for community natural and human capitals, were spatially clumped on the landscape rather than randomly distributed (p < 0.01, Figures 2 & 3)

  • This paper presented an innovative way of integrating findings from participatory fieldwork with national census and environmental data to characterise associations between livelihood capitals

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Summary

Introduction

Livelihood opportunities available to rural households in low and middle income countries 3 are highly dependent on their access to capitals both at the household and community levels, 4 which contributes to their resilience to social, economic and environmental stresses (Chambers 5 & Conway, 1991; Ellis, 2000). Two mechanisms may lead to synergies and trade-offs among livelihood capitals (Rodrıguez et al, 2006): (i) one household capital is intensified by a particular community capital, as in the case of proximity to schools acting as a catalyst of people’s skills and capabilities on the long-term, providing education to individual members of the community; (ii) individuals 64 (or communities) make trade-offs between different capitals to meet their needs and mediate vul[65] nerabilities, as in the case of financial capital that might be invested into means of production; and (iii) a given external factor may affect several capitals at the same time as with the impact of a cyclone negatively influencing common-pool natural resources and decreasing house[68] holds’ protective assets. It demonstrates that livelihood capitals are spatially clustered in the landscape and there are spatial trade-offs between them

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