Abstract

For a long time, social and public policies have presented upward social mobility as an unambiguously progressive process. However, there is a relatively new line of academic research that concerns the dilemmas, or ‘hidden costs’, of upward mobility. Still, apart from a few inspiring exceptions, there is a lack of empirical studies, especially in Hungary, that explore the personal experiences of the impact of moving class through educational mobility. Academic literature about stigmatised, disadvantaged minorities such as Afro-Americans and Mexicans in the U.S or the Roma in Europe suggests that the professional middle class of these groups – those who have demonstrated an exceptional range of intergenerational mobility – have adopted a distinctive upward mobility strategy to overcome the challenges that are unique to them. These challenges emerge from the difficulties of maintaining intra-class relations with poorer ‘co-ethnics’ (people from the communities they were brought up in), but also managing interethnic relations with the ‘white’ (non-Black in the U.S, non-Roma in East-Central Europe) majority. As part of this minority culture of mobility, the Roma, as with other stigmatised minority groups, create and join ethnic professional organisations to enable them to culturally navigate both worlds. Throughout this paper, we focus our attention on influential ethnic support groups or organisations and address the question what effect they have on the costs of upward mobility in the case of our Roma professional middle-class sample.

Highlights

  • The Roma are one of the most stigmatised, disadvantaged and vulnerable minority groups in Europe.1 this denomination embraces super-diverse, culturally and socioeconomically hybrid (Tremlett, 2009) heterogeneous subgroups of people, and despite how methodically difficult it is to assess this population (Brüggeman, 2014; Messing, 2014), according to all available research papers (e.g. FRA and UNDP, 2012), there is a huge gap between the academic achievements of Roma and nonRoma populations in many European countries, with fewer than one per cent of Roma students possessing a higher education qualification

  • Social and public policies present upward mobility as an unambiguously progressive process, a new line of current academic research addresses the issue of the challenges of social climbing by analysing the ‘hidden costs of mobility’ (Cole and Omari, 2003: 794)

  • In the first part of this chapter we introduce the costs of upward mobility which are influenced by the support groups and programs, while in the second part of the chapter we demonstrate how these costs are affected by these programs themselves

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Summary

Introduction

The Roma (or as many call themselves in Hungary, cigány; that is, Gypsies) are one of the most stigmatised, disadvantaged and vulnerable minority groups in Europe. this denomination embraces super-diverse, culturally and socioeconomically hybrid (Tremlett, 2009) heterogeneous subgroups of people, and despite how methodically difficult it is to assess this population (Brüggeman, 2014; Messing, 2014), according to all available research papers (e.g. FRA and UNDP, 2012), there is a huge gap between the academic achievements of Roma and nonRoma populations in many European countries, with fewer than one per cent of Roma students possessing a higher education qualification (college degree). Bits and pieces about different societal factors (such as ethnic support groups or organisations) that facilitate or support the upward mobility of Roma and other stigmatised minority groups (Székely et al, 2005; Kóczé, 2011; Bereményi and Carrasco, 2017; Brüggerman 2014, Stanton-Salazar, 2004). These studies shed light on how ethnicity can be mobilised or used as ‘ethnic capital’ or ‘community cultural wealth’ (Pott, 2001; Yosso, 2005; Óhídy, 2016) in the process of social climbing through educational attainment.

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