This study ties in with the debate that exists between the representatives of critical theory in education (Apple, Lubienski, Brewer) and sociologists of education (Aurini, Davies) about the place and significance of homeschooling within the framework of the neoliberal governance of education. While the first group sees homeschooling as a direct tool of neoliberal governance, the second group finds the position of homeschooling within the framework of neoliberal governance unconvincing. Both types of arguments are examined in relation to the situation, forms and reasons for homeschooling in the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic, where interviews were conducted with groups of homeschooling parents. The arguments about the development of homeschooling as a privatised but not necessarily neoliberalised form of education are particularly valid in the context of the Czech Republic. They are also valid in the case of a significant segment of homeschoolers in the Slovak Republic, where, however, the arguments of critical theorists of education are also valid, but for a different segment of parents – parents who adopt a religious privatist stance demonstrate a degree of affinity with the neoliberal educational ethos.

This study examines the transition of the “gender theory” discourse from the realm of political and activist circles to the general population, focusing on the 2018 Twitter (X) debate in Slovenia regarding the gender-sensitive language policy at the Faculty of Arts, University of Ljubljana. Through a mixed-methods approach combining social network analysis and linguostylistic and critical frame analyses, this paper explores the dynamics and implications of this discourse shift. Our analysis identifies distinct user communities with primarily right-leaning political affiliations, revealing how these groups navigate and emphasize various themes related to gender-sensitive language, often broadening the debate to include new topics. The concept of “gender theory” emerges as a pivotal element, serving as a unifying thread that transforms discussions into ideological battlegrounds, thereby creating an “echo chamber” effect that sidelines opposing viewpoints. The findings underscore the colonizing effect of the “gender theory” discourse, which not only diverts attention to new ideological issues but also has a de-democratizing impact by constraining the range of acceptable debate and excluding divergent perspectives. This paper corroborates the initial premise that the discourse on “gender theory” has evolved, acquiring a broader societal and ideological dimension that challenges the inclusivity of public debate.

The study expands on the current debate about post-socialist civil society and social movements, specifically in Croatia. Taking the strategic practices of the Croatian feminist movement in relation to the right to abortion in the last decade as the research unit, it employs the conception of post-socialist civil societies, focuses on the practices of civil society, and differentiates between contentious and compliant practices regardless of the form of organisation or engagement. The study examines whether the strategic practices of the Croatian feminist movement have changed in the last decade and, if so, which factors have played the most significant role. The study is based on a critical content analysis of interviews with the actors themselves and draws on their interpretations of the strategic practices. It finds that the Croatian feminist movement has, in the last decade, rethought the dominant compliant strategic practices inherent in the nonprofit sector and the organisations within it and has turned more towards contentious practices. The research described in the paper finds that there are three dominant factors behind the rethinking of the strategic practice: two external – the growing prominence of the conservative movement and the new expected abortion law – and one internal: a generational shift.

This study investigates how symbolic violence is shaping anti-abortion stances associated with legitimising right-wing populist policies. The prominent questions are as follows: What are the institutional and politico-administrative mechanisms that are impacting anti-abortion politics in terms of material and symbolic violence? How and to what extent does anti-abortion politics influence the interplay between symbolic and material state violence? The study argues that reproduction-centred policies and material and symbolic violence have intensified through anti-abortion politics in the discursive context of the social reproduction crisis in Turkey. It explores the institutional actions and the legitimation mechanisms of anti-abortion policies in relation to the penetration of right-wing populist politics after the authoritarian turn of 2010. This qualitative case study uses critical discourse analysis. It interprets the public speeches of representatives of the government and documentary data concerning the ruling party’s programmes, development plans and relevant legislation. The research provides a gendered perspective on the anti-abortion policies that anchor right-wing populism in terms of the crisis of social reproduction. It also contributes to critical state theory and pre-existing feminist scholarship on right-wing populism.

The Hungarian higher education (HE) system went through a transformation, the so-called “model change” in the last years. During this process, the majority of public HE institutions were transformed into institutions maintained by private foundations. This paper focuses on the media representation of this transformation by analysing all relevant articles about the transformation (169 in total), published between 2019 and 2021 from two of the most active online journals on the topic representing the main opposite political sides (mno.hu and hvg.hu). Our analysis reveals the main actors as well as the arguments for and against the model change. The media representation in the Hungarian context is particularly important because there was not any governmental White Paper about the process. Therefore, Hungarian media served as the primary source of information to the public about the goals (and later the critiques) of the model change. However, the inner structures of the pros and cons expose how the two sides talk at cross-purposes, with minimal reactions to the arguments of the ‘other side’. This resulted in „monologizing” instead of any real dialogue.

New types of authoritarian regimes attempt to create the illusion of democracy. They therefore seek to restrict the establishment and activities of CSOs not through outright bans, but through the adoption of laws and regulations designed to systematically and methodically impede the operation of human rights CSOs. This paper, based on empirical research, classifies and analyses the registration and re-registration procedures that restrict the freedom of association of human rights CSOs, as well as the legislation that imposes registration or re-registration requirements on organisations designated as “foreign agents.” Additionally, it assesses the proportion in which democratic and authoritarian regimes use these restrictive mechanisms. The results show that the restrictions examined are predominantly used in authoritarian regimes.

This article examines Moldova’s prospective membership in the European Union (EU) in the wake of the EU’s renewed enlargement drive which was prompted by Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine. It explores the dynamics shaping Moldova’s accession path, spotlighting obstacles to integration that official reports appear to overlook or underplay. The article compares EU and Moldovan documents, civil society reports, and insights from interviews with Moldovan officials and civil society representatives to gain a nuanced picture of the evolving situation. Attention is also given to the distinct characteristics of the currently unfolding enlargement process, including its sense of urgency and geopolitical significance which have led to calls for an expedited or ‘fast-track’ accession. Findings note that despite Moldova’s impressive progress in aligning with EU standards in many areas, substantial hurdles in justice reform, combating corruption and de-oligarchisation persist. Incomplete public administration reforms, uneven civil society involvement in decision-making, and issues associated with the Transnistria conflict also have consequences for Moldova’s EU prospects, especially if an expedited version of enlargement occurs.

Notwithstanding the considerable scholarly and public attention that political polarization and corruption have attracted in recent years and the important mechanisms through which the former may influence the latter, research in this area remains limited and inconclusive. This article offers a comprehensive theoretical and empirical synthesis of the current state of research in this domain. It finds that a large fraction of the apparent contradictions can be attributed to the conceptual inconsistencies and ambiguity surrounding political polarization. The types of polarization that have an inherently hostile and uncivil element (usually referred to as affective or pernicious polarization) undermine democratic accountability, which leads to more corruption. The role of ideological polarization among parties and the general population is more complex: it may boost accountability and decrease corruption but can also contribute to the aforementioned harmful forms of polarization and enhance the role of partisan bias in public opinion formation, thereby increasing corruption. The overall effect of ideological polarization on corruption may depend on the nature and the degree of the former, as well as on mitigating contextual factors. The two may create a vicious circle as corruption also increases political polarization via various channels.

The aim of this paper is to analyse who was responsible for the deterioration of the Slovenian banking sector to such an extent that it was almost destroyed by the 2008 financial crisis, necessitating the consideration of an international bailout. A literature review focused specifically on reports from law enforcement agencies and commissions that investigated banking practices, complemented by a qualitative empirical study. In order to gain insight into the reasons why this situation unfolded, ten structured interviews were conducted. The interviewees included experts with experience in the fields of prevention, detection, investigation and prosecution of economic crime, bad credit management, central banking, parliamentary committee management, forensic investigations, investigative journalism, and experts with academic knowledge in law and economics. Five different investigations explored the behaviour of banking sector actors before, during, and after the 2008 financial crisis. These investigations revealed behaviours ranging from negligence to criminal acts. The interviews indicated that the perpetrators were individuals of high social status with significant influence, explaining why people are often not willing to testify against them. On the detection and prosecution front, the main challenges were fears among criminal investigators, prosecutors, judges, and others of retaliation from superiors, job loss, and being publicly lambasted in the media.