Sluicing and focus related particles in Brazilian Portuguese and Nupe

Abstract

We argue that the C-element que, following fronted wh-elements and fronted focused elements more generally in Brazilian Portuguese, is realized as Fin, rather than Foc (MENDES & KANDYBOWICZ, 2021; pace MIOTO, 2001; MIOTO & KATO, 2005). We put together three observations from the literature: (i) the appearance of que is contingent on wh/focus fronting; (ii) que introduces a finite clause, and (iii) que disappears under sluicing. We present novel evidence that Nupe’s focus particle is a left-periphery element and that Nupe provides a concrete counterexample to Merchant’s (2001) sluicing-COMP generalization. A comparison between Nupe and Brazilian Portuguese regarding the presence of nonoperator material in sluicing constructions is crucial to establishing sluicing as FinP ellipsis (BALTIN, 2010; ABOH, 2010), instead of TP ellipsis, as standardly assumed, as well as que as a Fin element. We offer an analysis that captures all of the Brazilian Portuguese distributional facts, according to which que is a Fin head with a [finite] feature and an uninterpretable [ufoc] feature that must be licensed by Agree with a higher focus head.