Abstract
This paper offers a unified structural analysis of anaphora and relative clauses licensed by same within definite descriptions. Taking as a point of departure the proposal that indices occupy syntactic positions in anaphoric DPs (Schwarz 2009; Simonenko 2014, i.a.), I examine the open issue of how anaphoric modifiers, particularly same, interact with this proposed structural complexity. Based on the morphosyntactic behavior of definites with same, I argue that indices may be introduced via different positions within the DP. I argue moreover that the behavior of same in both anaphoric and non-anaphoric contexts supports the view that same is syntactically an equative head (Alrenga 2007; Oxford 2010), whose selectional properties are shared across equative constructions. I also propose an analysis of as-relatives that accounts for their alternation with anaphoric interpretations, and offer a comparison with restrictive relatives.
Highlights
This paper contributes to the study of anaphora by examining the interaction between DP structure and nominal modifiers that support anaphoric interpretations
While the relationship between DP structure and modification has gone largely unaddressed in this line of work, the claim that indices are structurally encoded leads to predictions about the ways in which they might interact with nominal modifiers
Beyond the morphosyntactic differences between definite descriptions with and without same in anaphoric contexts, I argue that the treatment of same as an equative head is further supported by a broader selectional alternation observed across equative expressions, namely one between an implicit argument that gives rise to anaphora, and an overt standard in the form of an as-relative (Carlson 1977b), in which an anaphoric reading need not obtain (Carlson 1987)
Summary
This paper contributes to the study of anaphora by examining the interaction between DP structure and nominal modifiers that support anaphoric interpretations. The crucial distinction is where idx is introduced: In (5) it is in the extended projection of N, while in (6), it is selected by Deg. Beyond the morphosyntactic differences between definite descriptions with and without same in anaphoric contexts, I argue that the treatment of same as an equative head is further supported by a broader selectional alternation observed across equative expressions, namely one between an implicit argument that gives rise to anaphora, and an overt standard in the form of an as-relative (Carlson 1977b), in which an anaphoric reading need not obtain (Carlson 1987).
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