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Abstract
This paper discusses the quantifier particle da(qany) in the Siberian Turkic language Sakha (also known as "Yakut"). Focusing on its distribution in negative polarity items (NPIs) and doubled coordination constructions, it is shown that it has a distribution which is far more restricted than similar elements in other languages. In order to account for the semantics of this element, it is argued in an exhaustification-based theory of polarity sensitivity, that da(qany)'s main semantic contribution is to mark the alternative of its host as obligatorily active.
Highlights
This paper discusses the quantifier particle da(qany) in the Siberian Turkic language Sakha
Elements discussed in the literature that appear in both negative polarity items (NPIs) and ‘both...and’ coordination typically have properties that da(qany) lacks, the most immediate being use as an additive particle, as exemplified by the Hungarian particle is: (4) Hungarian is a
This paper provides a semantic proposal for da(qany)’s use in Sakha NPIs (1) and coordination (3)
Summary
This paper discusses the quantifier particle da(qany) in the Siberian Turkic language Sakha ( known as “Yakut”). Focusing on its distribution in negative polarity items (NPIs) and doubled coordination constructions, it is shown that it has a distribution which is far more restricted than similar elements in other languages. Sakha language; Yakut language; coordination; disjunction; quantifier particles; negative polarity items (NPIs); focus; exhaustification; alternative semantics 1. The Siberian Turkic language Sakha/Yakut (ISO sah) has a quantifier particle daqany1 [daKan1], often phonologically reduced to da [da] It appears in three main places: (1) in negative polarity items (NPIs), (2) in scalar focus environments, and (3) doubled in coordination structures. When an element in a language is highly restricted to particular semantic environments, the immediate question we are confronted with is what logical property allows the element to be grammatical in those environments to the exclusions of other This question become even more intriguing when we look at the cross-linguistic patterns of such particles. Elements discussed in the literature that appear in both NPIs and ‘both...and’ coordination typically have properties that da(qany) lacks, the most immediate being use as an additive particle, as exemplified by the Hungarian particle is:
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